From the book IRON CURTAIN OVER AMERICA by John Beaty former US Military Intelligence Officer WW2.
CLEANING THE AUGEAN STABLES
In ancient fable one of the giant labors of Hercules was cleaning the labyrinthine stables of King Augeas who possessed “an immense wealth of herds” (Encyc. Brit., II, 677) and twelve sacred bulls. The removal of accumulated filth was accomplished in the specified time and the story of difficulty successfully overcome has been told through the ages for entertainment and for inspiration.
The modern significance of the parable of Hercules may be thus interpreted. King Augeas is Mr. Truman. The sacred bulls are those high and mighty individuals who control and deliver the votes of minority blocs. The filth is the nineteen-year accumulation of Communists and fellow-travelers in the various departments, executive agencies, bureaus, and what not, of our government. To clean out the filth, there can be but one Hercules — an aroused American people.
Exactly how can the American people proceed under our laws to clean out subversives and other scoundrels from our government? There are three principal ways: (a) by a national election; (b) by the constitutional right of expressing their opinion; and (c) by influencing the Congress to exercise certain powers vested in the Congress by the Constitution, including the power of impeachment.
(a) A national election is the normal means employed by the people to express their will for a change of policy. There are reasons, however, why such a means should not be exclusively relied on. For one thing, a man elected by the people may lose completely the confidence of the people and do irreparable damage by bad appointive personnel and bad policies after one election and before another.
In the second place, our two leading parties consist of so many antagonistic groups wearing a common label that candidates for president and vice-president represent compromises and it is hard to get a clear-cut choice as between Democrats and Republicans.
For instance, in the campaigns of 1940, 1944, and 1948 the Republicans offered the American voters Wendell Willkie, and Thomas Dewey – twice! Willkie was a sincere but poorly informed and obviously inexperienced “one worlder,” apparently with a soft spot toward Communism, or at least a blind spot, as evidenced in his hiring or lending himself as a lawyer to prevent government action against alleged Communists. Thus, among “the twelve Communist Party leaders” arrested July 26, 1951), was William Schneiderman, “State Chairman of the Communist Party of California and a member of the Alternate National Committee of the Communist Party of the United States.”
The preceding quotations are from the New York Times (July 27, 1951), and the article continues: “With the late Wendell L. Willkie as his counsel, Schneiderman defeated in the Supreme Court in 1943 a government attempt to revoke his citizenship for his political associations.
Schneiderman was born in Russia,” Likewise, Governor Dewey of New York, campaigning on a “don’t bother the Communists” program, won the Oregon Republican presidential primary election in 1948 in a close contest from Harold Stassen, who endorsed anti-Communist legislation.
Governor Dewey, largely avoiding issues, except in this instance, moved on to nomination and to defeat.
The moral seems to be that the American people see no reason to change from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party with a candidate favorable to or indifferent to Communism. With such a Republican candidate, a Democratic candidate may be favored by some conservatives who rely on the more or less conservative Democrats – who extend from Maryland in an arc through the South around to Nevada – to block the extreme radicalism of a Democratic administration. Governor Dewey followed the Roosevelt path not only in a disinclination to combat Communism; in such matters as the “purge” of Senator Revercomb of West Virginia, he showed evidence of a dictatorial intention to which not even Roosevelt would have presumed.
Thus, however much one may hope for a pair of strong, patriotic, and able Democratic candidates or a pair of strong, patriotic, and able Republican candidates at the next election, there is no certainty of a realized hope. There is likewise no certainty of success in the move of a number of patriotic people in both parties to effect a merger of American-minded Republicans and non-leftist Democrats in time for a slate of coalition candidates in the next presidential election. This statement is not meant to disparage the movement, whose principal sponsor Senator Karl Mundt represents a state (South Dakota) not in the Union during the Civil War and is therefore an ideal leader of a united party of patriotic Americans both Northern and Southern.
Senator Mundt’s proposal deserves active and determined support, because it is logical for people who feel the same way to vote together. Moreover, the defective implementation of the Mundt proposal would certainly be acclaimed by the great body of the people — those who acclaimed General MacArthur on his return from Tokyo.
The stumbling-block, of course, is that it is very hard for the great body of the people to make itself politically effective either in policy or in the selection of delegates to the national nominating conventions, since leaders already in office will, with few exceptions, be reluctant to change the setup (whatever its evil) under which they became leaders.
To sum up, a coalition team — as Senator Mundt proposes — would be admirable. Nevertheless, other methods of effecting a change of our national policy must be explored.
(b) A possible way for the American public to gain its patriotic ends is by the constitution-protected right of petition (First Amendment). The petition, whether in the form of a document with many signatures or a mere individual letter, is far more effective than the average individual is likely to believe. In all cases the letters received are beyond question tabulated as straws in the wind of public opinion; and to a busy Congressman or Senator a carefully prepared and well-documented letter from a person he can trust may well be a guide to policy.
The author thus summed up the influence of letters in his book Image of Life (Thomas Nelson and Sons, New York, 1940, pp. 207-208: It is perhaps unfortunate, but undeniably true that letter-writers wield a powerful influence in America. Along with the constant newspaper and magazine “polls” of citizens and voters, letters are the modern politician’s method of keeping his ear to the ground.
This fact was startlingly illustrated in 1939 by a high executive’s issuing a statement justifying a certain governmental stand by an analysis of the correspondence received on the subject. Since the letter wields this influence, and since it is one of the chief weapons of the organized minority, public-spirited citizens should use it, too. They should write to members of state legislatures, United States Congressmen and Senators, and other government officials endorsing or urging measures which the writers believe necessary for the good of the country. Similar letters of support should of course be written to any others in or out of government service, who are under the fire of minorities for courageous work in behalf of decency, morality, and patriotism.
nThe use of the letter for political purposes by organized groups is illustrated by the fact that a certain congressman (his words to the author in Washington) received in one day more than 5,000 letters and other forms of communication urging him to vote for a pending measure favorable to “Israel,” and not one post card on the other side!
Letters in great volume cannot be other than effective. To any Congressman, even though he disapproves of the policy or measure endorsed by the letters, they raise the question of his being possibly in error in view of such overwhelming opposition to his viewpoint. To a Congressman who believes sincerely — as some do — that he is an agent whose duty is not to act on his own judgment, but to carry out the people’s will, a barrage of letters is a mandate on how to vote. Apparently for the first time, those favoring Western Christian civilization adopted the technique of the opposition and expressed themselves in letters to Washington on the dismissal of General MacArthur.
In addition to writing letters to the President and his staff and to one’s own senators and congressmen, the patriotic American should write letters to other senators and congressmen who are members of committees concerned with a specific issue (see c, below).
In this way, he will meet and possibly frustrate the new tactics of the anti-American element which, from its news-paper advertisements, seems to be shifting its controlled letters from a writer’s “own congressman and senators” to “committee chairmen and committee members. “For the greater effectiveness which comes from a knowledge of the structure of the government, it is exceedingly important that each patriotic citizen possess or have access to a copy of the latest Congressional Directory (Superintendent of Documents, Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., $1.50).
The patriotic citizen should not let his or her letter writing stop with letters to officials in Washington. Letters along constructive lines should be sent to other influential persons such as teachers, columnists, broadcasters, and judges letting them know the writer’s views. Persons such as Judge Medina, who presided in a fair and impartial manner over a trial involving charges of communism, are inundated by letters and telegrams of calumny and vilification (his words to the author and others at a meeting of the Columbia Alumni in Dallas). To such officials, a few letters on the other side are heartening.
Letters to newspapers are especially valuable. Whether published or not, they serve as opinion-indicators to a publisher. Those that are published are sometimes clipped and mailed to the White House and to members of the Congress by persons who feel unable to compose letters of their own. The brevity of these letters and their voice-of-the-people flavor cause them also to be read by and thus to influence many who will not cope with the more elaborate expressions of opinion by columnist and editorial writers.
(c) As the ninth printing of The Iron Curtain Over America was being prepared (summer of 1952) for the press, it became a fact of history that President Truman would not succeed himself for the presidential term, 1953-1957. The following pages of this chapter should therefore be read not as a specific recommendation directed against Mr. Truman but as a general consideration of the question of influencing executive action through pressure upon Congressional committees and — in extreme cases — by impeachment, with the acts and policies of Mr. Truman and his chief officials used as illustrative material.
If the pressure of public opinion by a letter barrage or otherwise is of no avail, because of already existing deep commitments as a pay-off for blocs of votes or for other reasons, there are other procedures.
The best of these, as indicated under (b) above, is to work through the appropriate committees of the Congress.
Unfortunately the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Senate has a majority of members willing to play along with almost any vote-getting scheme.
It was only by the skillful maneuvering of the Chairman, Senator Tom Connally of Texas, that the Committee was prevented from passing during World War II a pro-Zionist resolution on the Middle East which might have prejudiced the American victory in the war.
Despite Mr. Acheson’s record, every Republican on the Committee approved the nomination of that “career man” to be Secretary of State (telegram of Senator Tom Connally to the author). See also the article by C.P.Trussell, New York Times, January 19, 1949).
Thus with no Republican opposition to attract possible votes from the Democratic majority, the committee vote on Acheson’s confirmation was unanimous! Parenthetically, a lesson is obvious — namely, that both political parties should in the future be much more careful than in the past in according committee membership to a Senator, or to a Representative, of doubtful suitability for sharing the committee’s responsibilities.
Despite one very unfortunate selection, the Republican membership of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs averages up better than the Republican membership of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. The House Committee is not so influential, however, because of the Constitution’s express vesting of foreign policy in the Senate.
In contrast, however, the House Appropriations Committee is under the Constitution more influential than the Appropriations Committee in the Senate, and might under public pressure withhold funds (U.S. Constitution, Article I, Section 9, Paragraph 6) from a government venture, office, or individual believed inimical to the welfare of the United States (see George Sokolshy’s syndicated column, Dallas Morning News and other papers, Jan. 23, 1951. In the matter of appropriations, the Senate Committee on Appropriations has, however, made a great record in safeguarding what it believes to be the public interest.
For example, in 1946 the senior Republican member of this vital Senate Committee was instrumental in achieving the Congressional elimination from the State Department budget of $4,000,000 earmarked for the Alfred McCormack unit – an accomplishment which forced the exit of that undesired “Special Assistant to the Secretary of State.” There is no reason why this thoroughly Constitutional procedure should not be imitated in the 1950’s. The issue was raised for discussion by Congressman John Phillips of California, a member of the House Appropriations Committee, in May, 1951 (AP dispatch in the Times-Herald, Dallas, May 14, 1951).
In mid-1950 the House Committee on Un-American Activities seemed to need prodding by letters from persons in favor of the survival of America. The situation was described thus in a Washington Times-Herald (November 26, 1950) editorial entitled “Wake the Watchman”: The reason the committee has gone to sleep is that it is now, also for the first time in its history, subservient to the executive departments which have so long hid the Communists and fought the committee.
For evidence, compare the volume entitled Hearings Regarding Communism in the United States Government – Part 2, that record committee proceedings of Aug. 28 and 31, and Sept. 1 and 15, 1950, with the records of comparable inquiries any year from the committee’s origin in 1938 down to 1940 when the present membership took over.
The witnesses who appeared before the committee in these latest hearings need no explaining. They were: Lee Pressman, Abraham George Silverman, Nathan Witt, Charles Kramer, John J. Abt and Max Lowenthal. This handsome galaxy represents the very distilled essence of inside knowledge in matters that can help the people of this Republic understand why we are now wondering where Stalin is going to hit us next.
At least one, Max Lowenthal, is an intimate friend of President Truman, regularly in and out of side entrances at the White House.
Perhaps that accounts — of course it does — for the arrogant assurance with which Lowenthal spot in the committees eye when he was finally brought before it for a few feeble questions.
Incidentally, “Truman was chosen as candidate for Vice President by Sidney Hillman, at the suggestion (according to Jonathan Daniels in his recent book A man of Independence) of Max Lowenthal” . . . (“The Last Phase,” by Edna Lonigan, Human Events, May 2, 1951).
In fairness to the present membership, however, it is well to add that, from a variety of circumstances, the Committee has suffered from a remarkable and continuing turn-over of membership since the convening of the 81st Congress in January, 1949.
New regulations — passed for the purpose by the Democratic 81st Congress, which was elected along with President Truman in 1948 — drove from the Committee two of its most experienced and aggressive members: Mr. Rankin of Mississippi, because he was Chairman of the Committee on Veterans’ Affairs, and Mr. Hebert of Louisiana, because he was not a lawyer.
In January, 1949, the experienced Congressman Karl Mundt of South Dakota left the House and his membership on the Committee to take his seat in the Senate. Promotion to the Senate (Dec. 1, 1950) likewise cost the Committee the services of Congressman Richard Nixon of California, the member most active in the preliminaries to the trial of Alger Hiss.
In the election of 1950, Representative Francis Case of South Dakota was advanced to the Senate. After a single term on the Committee, Congressman Burr P. Harrison of Virginia became a member of the Ways and Means Committee on Un-American Activities. Thus when the Committee was reconstituted at the opening of the 82nd Congress in January, 1951, only one man, Chairman John S. Wood of Georgia, had had ,more than one full two-year term of service and a majority of the nine members were new.
The Committee, like all others, needs letters of encouragement to offset pressure from pro-Communist elements, but there were evidences in 1951 of its revitalization. On April 1, 1951, it issued a report entitled “The Communist Peace Offensive,” which it described as “the most dangerous hoax ever devised by the international Communist conspiracy” (see Red-ucators in the Communist Peace Offensive, National Council for American Education, 1 Maiden Lane, New York38, N.Y.)
Moreover, in 1951 the committee was again probing the important question of Communism in the motion picture industries at Hollywood, California. Finally, late in 1951 the Un-American Activities Committee issued a “brand new” publication, a “Guide Book to Subversive Organizations,” highly recommended by The Americanism Division, The American Legion (copies may be had from the National Americanism Division, The American Legion, 700 N. Pennsylvania St., Indianapolis, Ind.; 25 cents; in lots of 25 or more, 15 cents. See, also, pp. 101-103, above).
Fortunately, the Senate Judiciary Committee is also accomplishing valuable work in the exposure of the nature and methods of the Communist infiltration. Its work is referred to, its chairman Senator McCarran of Nevada is quoted, and its documents are represented by excerpts here and there in this book.
The Rules Committee of the House was restored to its traditional power by the 82nd Congress in 1951 and may also prove an effective brake on bills for implementing the dangerous policies of an incompetent, poorly advised, or treasonable leadership in the executive departments.
As a last resort, however, a President of the United States or any other member of the Executive or Judicial Branches of the government can be removed by impeachment. Article I, Section 2, paragraph 5; Article I, Section 3, paragraph 6; Article II, Section 4, paragraph 1 of the U.S. Constitution name the circumstances under which, and provide explicitly the means by which, a majority of the representatives and two-thirds of the senators can remove a president who is guilty of “misdemeanors” or shows “inability” to perform the high functions of his office.
Surely some such construction might have been placed upon Mr. Truman’s gross verbal attack (1950) upon the United States Marine Corps, whose members were at the time dying in Korea, or upon his repeated refusal to cooperate with Canada, with Congress, or with the Courts in facing up to the menace of the 43,217 known Communists said by J. Edgar Hoover (AP dispatch, Dallas Times-Herald, February 8, 1950) to be operating in this country, with ten times that many following the Communist line in anti-American propaganda and all of them ready for sabotage in vital areas if the Soviet Union should give the word (AP dispatch Dallas Times-Herald, February 8, 1950).
The matter of President Truman’s unwillingness to move against Communism came to a head with the passage of the Internal Security Act of 1950. Under the title, “Necessity for Legislation,” the two Houses of Congress found as follows:
(1) There exists a world Communist movement which, in its origins, its development, and its present practice, is a world-wide revolutionary movement whose purpose it is, by treachery, deceit, infiltration into other groups (governmental and otherwise), espionage, sabotage, terrorism, and any other means deemed necessary, to establish a Communist totalitarian dictatorship in the countries throughout the world through the medium of a world-wide Communist organization. . .
(12) The Communist network in the United States is inspired and controlled in large part by foreign agents who are sent into the United States ostensibly as attaches of foreign legations, affiliates of international organizations, members of trading commissions, and in similar capacities, but who use their diplomatic or semi-diplomatic status as a shield behind which to engage in activities prejudicial to the public security.
(13) There are, under our present immigration laws, numerous aliens who have been found to be deportable, many of whom are in the subversive, criminal, or immoral classes who are free to roam the country at will without supervision or control. . .
(15) The Communist organization in the United States, pursuing its stated objectives, the recent successes of communist methods in other countries, and the nature and control of the world Communist movement itself, present a clear and present danger to the security of the United States and to the existence of free American institutions, and make it necessary that Congress, in order to provide for the common defense, to preserve the sovereignty of the United States as an independent nation, and to guarantee to each State a republican form of government, enact appropriate legislation recognizing the existence of such world-wide conspiracy and designed to prevent it from accomplishing its purpose in the United States.
A measure for curbing Communism in the United States — prepared in the light of the above preamble — was approved by both Senate and House.
It was then sent to the President. What did he do?
He vetoed it.
Thereupon both Senate and House (September 22, 1950) overrode the President’s veto by far more than the necessary two-thirds majorities, and the internal Security Act became “Public Law 831 — 81st Congress — Second Session.”
The enforcement of the law, of course, became the responsibility of its implacable enemy, the head of the Executive Branch of our government!
But the President’s efforts to block the anti-Communists did not end with that historic veto. “President Truman Thursday rejected a Senate committee’s request for complete files on the State Department’s loyalty-security cases on the ground that it would be clearly contrary to the public interest” (AP dispatch, Washington, April 3, 1952).
To what “public” did Mr. Truman refer? The situation was summed up well by General MacArthur in a speech before a joint session of the Mississippi legislature (March 22, 1952). The general stated that our policy is “leading us toward a communist state with as dreadful certainty as though the leaders of the Kremlin themselves were charting our course.”
In view of his veto of the Internal Security Act and his concealment of security data on government employees from Congressional committees, it is hard to exonerate Mr. Truman from the suspicion of having more concern for leftist votes than for the safety or survival of the United States. Such facts naturally suggest an inquiry into the feasibility of initiating the process of impeachment.
Another possible ground for impeachment might be the President’s apparent violation of the Constitution, Article I, Section 8, Paragraph 11, which vests in Congress the power “To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water.” This authority of the Congress has never been effectively questioned. Thus in his “Political Observations” (1795) James Madison wrote “The Constitution expressly and exclusively vests in the Legislature the power of declaring a state of war” (quoted from “Clipping of Note,” No. 38, The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., Irvington-on-Hudson, New York). Subsequent interpreters of our basic State Paper, except perhaps some of those following in the footsteps of Supreme Court Justice Brandeis (Chapter III, above), have concurred.
It was seemingly in an effort to avoid the charge of violating this provision of the Constitution that President Truman, except for a reported occasional slip of the tongue, chose to refer to his commitment of our troops in Korea as a “police action” and not a war. Referring to the possibility of President Truman’s sending four additional divisions to Europe where there was no war, Senator Byrd of Virginia said: “But if by chance he does ignore Congress, Congress has ample room to exercise its authority by the appropriations method and it would be almost grounds for impeachment” (UP dispatch in Washington Times-Herald, March 15, 1951).
The distinguished editor and commentator David Lawrence (U.S. News and World Report, April 20, 1951) also brought up the question of impeachment: If we are to grow technical, Congress, too, has some constitutional rights. It can impeach President Truman not only for carrying on a war in Korea without a declaration of war by Congress, but primarily for failing to let our troops fight the enemy with all the weapons at their command.
The question of President Truman’s violation of the Constitution in the matter of committing our troops in Korea has been raised with overwhelming logic by Senator Karl Mundt of South Dakota. Article 43 of the United Nations charter, as the Senator points out, provides that member nations of the UN shall supply armed forces “in accordance with their respective constitutional processes.” Thus the starting of the Truman-Acheson war in Korea not only violated the United States Constitution, but completely lacked United Nations authority – until such authority was voted retroactively! (Washington Times-Herald, May 17, 1951; also see Chapter VI, d, above.)
The House in the 81st Congress several times overrode a Truman veto by more than the Constitutional two-thirds vote. Even in that 81st Congress, more than five-sixths of the Senators voted to override the President’s veto of the McCarran-Mundt-Nixon anti-Communist bill, which became Public Law 831.
With the retirement of Mrs. Helen Douglas and other noted administration supporters, and Mr. Vito Marcantonio, the 82nd Congress is probably
even less inclined than the predecessor Congress to tolerate the Truman attitude toward the control of subversives and might not hesitate in a moment of grave national peril to certify to the Senate for possible impeachment for a violation of the Constitution the name of a man so dependent on leftist votes or so sympathetic with alien thought that he sees no menace – merely a “red herring” – in Communism.
With the defeat of such “left of center” men – to use a term which President Franklin Roosevelt applied to himself – as Claude Pepper, Frank Graham, and Glen Taylor and such administration henchmen as Millard Tydings, Scot Lucas, and Francis Myers; with election from the House of new members such as Wallace F. Bennett, John M. Butler, and Herman Welker, the Senate also might not hesitate in a moment of grave national peril to make appropriate steps toward impeachment under the Constitution.
Incidentally, a rereading of the Constitution of the United States is particularly valuable to anyone who is in doubt as to the Supreme importance of Congress, the President, and the Supreme court under the basic law of the land. Whereas the Congress is granted specific authority to remove for cause the President and any other executive or Justice of the Supreme Court, neither the President nor the Supreme Court has any authority whatsoever over the qualifications of the tenure of office of a Senator or Representative.
Good books on the Constitution, both by Thomas James Norton, are The Constitution of the United States, Its Source and Its Application (World Publishing Company, Cleveland, 1940) and Undermining The Constitution, A History of Lawless Government (The Devin-Adair Company, New York, 1951).
In another valuable book, The Key to Peace ( The Heritage Foundation, Inc., 75 East Wacker Drive, Chicago 1, Illinois), the author, Dean Clarence Manion of Notre Dame Law School, develops the idea that the key to peace is the protection of the individual under our Constitution.
With reference again to impeachment, an examination of the career of other high executives including the Secretary of State might possibly find one or more of them who might require investigation on the suspicion of unconstitutional misdemeanors.
Despite the bitter fruit of Yalta, Mr. Acheson never issued a recantation. He never repudiated his affirmation of lasting fidelity to his beloved friend, Alger Hiss, who was at Yalta as the newly appointed State Department “Director of Special Political Affairs.”
Despite the Chinese attack on our troops in Korea, Mr. Acheson never, to the author’s knowing, admitted the error, if not the treason, of the policy of his department’s Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs down to and including the very year of 1950, when these Chinese Communists, the darlings of the dominant Leftists of our State Department, attacked us in the moment of our victory over the Communists of North Korea.
“What then will you do with the fact that as concerning Soviet Russia, from Yalta to this day, every blunder in American foreign policy has turned out to be what the Kremlin might have wished this country to do?? All you can say is that if there had been a sinister design it would look like this” (The Freeman, June 18, 1951).
General Marshall was at Yalta as Chief of Staff of U.S. Army. According to press reports, he never remembered what he was doing the night before Pearl Harbor. At Yalta, it was not memory but judgment that failed him for he was the Superior Officer who tacitly, if not heartily, approved the military deals along the Elbe and the Yalu — deals which are still threatening to ruin our country.
General Ambassador Marshall not only failed miserably in China; Secretary of State Marshall took no effective steps when a Senate Appropriations subcommittee, according to Senator Ferguson of Michigan, handed him a memorandum stating in part; “It becomes necessary due to the gravity of the situation to call your attention to a condition that developed and still flourishes in the State Department under the administration of Dean Acheson. It is evident that there is a deliberate, calculated program being carried out not only to protect communist personnel in high places but to reduce security and intelligence protection to a nullity” (INS, Washington Times-Herald, July 24, 1950).
The reference to Acheson was to Undersecretary Acheson, as he then was. Unfortunately in late 1951, when General Marshall ceased to be secretary of Defense, he was replaced by an other man, Robert A. Lovett, who, whatever his personal views, carried nevertheless the stigma of having been Undersecretary of State from July, 1947, to January, 1949 (Congressional Directory, 82nd Congress, 1st Session, p. 365), when our opposition in China was being ruined under the then Secretary of State, George C. Marshall.
The pro-Soviet accomplishments of the high-placed leftists and their dupes in our government are brilliantly summed up by Edna Lonigan in Human Events (Sept. 8, 1948): Our victorious armies halted where Stalin wished. His followers managed Dumbarton Oaks, UN, UNRRA, our Polish and Spanish policies. They gave Manchuria and Northern Korea to Communism. They demoted General Patton and wrote infamous instructions under which General Marshall was sent to China. They dismantled German industry, ran the Nuremberg trials and even sought to dictate our economic policy in Japan. Their greatest victory was the “Morgenthau Plan.”
And the astounding thing is that except for the dead (Roosevelt, Hillman, Hopkins, Winant) and Mr. Morgenthau, and Mr. Hiss, and General Marshall, most of those chiefly responsible for our policy as described above were still in power in June, 1952!
In Solemn truth, do not seven persons share most of the responsibility for establishing the Communist grip on the world? Are not the seven: (1) Marx, the founder of violent Communism; (2) Engels, the promoter of Marx; (3, 4, 5)Trotsky, Lenin, and Stalin; (6) Franklin D. Roosevelt, who rescued the tottering Communist empire by recognition (1933), by the resultant financial support, by his refusal to proceed against Communists in the United States, and by the provisions of the Yalta Conference; and (7) Harry S. Truman, who agreed at Potsdam to the destruction of Germany and thereafter followed the Franklin Roosevelt policy of refusing to act against Communists in the United States – the one strong nation which remains as a possible obstacle to Communist world power?
In spite of the consolidation of Stalin’s position in Russia by Franklin Roosevelt and by Stalin’s “liquidation” of millions of anti-Communists in Russia after Roosevelt’s recognition, the Soviet Union in 1937 was stymied in its announced program of world conquest by two road-blocks: Japan in the East and Germany in the West.
These countries, the former the size of California and the latter the size of Texas, were small for great powers, and since their main fears were of the enormous, hostile, and nearby Soviet Union, they did not constitute an actual danger to the United States. The men around Roosevelt, many of them later around Truman, not merely defeated but destroyed the two road-blocks against the spread of Stalinist Communism! Again we come to the question: Should the United States continue to use the men whose stupidity or treason built the Soviet Union into the one great land power of the world?
In continuing to employ people who were in office during the tragic decisions of Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam, are we not exactly as sensible as a hypothetical couple who employ the same baby sitter who has already killed three of their children?
“By What Faith, Then, Can We Find Hope in Those Whose Past Judgments So Grievously Erred? asked Senator Ecton of Montana on September &, 1951. “Can We Trust the Future to Those Who Betrayed the Past?” asked Senator Jenner of Indiana in a speech in the Senate of the United States on September 19, 1950. Whatever the cause of our State Department’s performances, so tragic for America, in 1945 and thereafter (see also Chapter VI, above), the answer to Senator Jenner’s point blank question is an incontrovertible “No.”
Congressmen, the patriotic elements in the press, and the letter-writing public should continually warn the President, however, that a mere shuffling around of the save old cast of Yalta actors and others “Whose past judgments so grievously erred” will not be sufficient. We must not again have tolerates of extreme leftism, such as Mr. John J. McCloy, who was Assistant Secretary of War from April, 1941, to November, 1945, and Major General Clayton Bissell, who was A.C. of S.G.-2, i.e., the Army’s Chief of Intelligence, from Feb. 5, 1944, “to the end of the war” (Who’s Who in America, 1950-1951, pp. 1798 and 232). In February, 1945, these high officials were questioned by a five-man committee created by the new 79th Congress to investigate charges of communism in the War Department.
In the New York Times of February 28 (article by Lewis Wood), Mr. McCloy is quoted as follows: The facts point to the difficulties of legal theory which are involved in taking the position that mere membership in the Communist party, present or past should exclude a person from the army or a commission. But beyond any questions of legal theory, a study of the question and our experience convinced me that we were not on sound ground in our investigation when we placed emphasis solely on Communist affiliation.
According to some newspapers, Mr. McCloy’s testimony gave the impression that he did not care if 49% of a man’s loyalty was elsewhere provided he was 51% American. The validity of Christ’s “No man can serve two masters” was widely recalled to mind. Edward N. Scheiberling, National Commander of the American Legion, referring to Assistant Secretary of War McCloy’s testimony, stated (New York Times, March 2, 1945): That the Assistant Secretary had testified that the new policy of the armed forces would admit to officer rank persons 49 percent loyal to an alien power, and only 51 percent loyal to the United States.
The Legion head asserted further: Fifty-one percent loyalty is not enough when the security of our country is at stake. . . The lives of our sons, the vital military secrets of our armed forces must not be entrusted to men of divided loyalty.
The Washington Times-Herald took up the cudgels against Mr. McCloy and he was shifted to the World Bank and thence to the post of High Commissioner of Germany (Chapter VI, above). With sufficient documentation to appear convincing, The Freeman as late as August 27, 1951, stated that “Mr. McCloy seems to be getting and accepting a kind of advice that borders on mental disorder.”
General Bissell was moved from A.C. of S., G-2 to U.S. Military Attaché at London. He received, a little later, a bon voyage present of a laudatory feature article in the Communist Daily Worker. Below the accompanying portrait (Daily Worker, June 20, 1947) was the legend “Maj. Gen. Clayton Bissell, wartime head of the U.S. Army Intelligence Corps, who defended Communist soldiers from the attacks of Washington seat-warmers during the war.”
What of the Congressional Committee? Though it had been created and ordered to work by a coalition of patriotic Republicans and Southern Democratic majority in the house chose members to its “left-of -center” liking, and the committee (Chairman: Mr. Thomason of Texas!) by a strict party vote of 3-2 expressed itself as satisfied with the testimony of McCloy and Bissell.
Surely the American public wants no high officials tolerant of Communists or thanked by Communists for favors rendered.
Surely Americans will not longer be fooled by another shuffling of the soiled New Deal deck with its red aces, deuces, knaves, and jokers.
This time we will not be blinded by a spurious “bipartisan” appointment of Achesonites whose nominal membership in the Republican Party does not conceal an ardent “me-too-ism.”
Americans surely will not, for instance, tolerate actors like tweedle-dee Acheson right down the line even to such an act as inviting Hiss to New York to become President of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, of which Dulles was the new Chairman of the Board. It might have been expected that with Hiss away, his trouble in Washington would blow over – but it did not.
The reference to high-placed War Department officials whose loyalty or judgment has been questioned by some of their fellow Americans brings us to an evaluation of the reception given in all parts of this nation to General MacArthur after his dismissal by President Truman in April, 1951.
It seems that General MacArthur’s ovation was due not to his five stars, for half a dozen generals and admirals have similar rank, but to his being a man of unquestioned integrity, unquestioned patriotism, and – above all – to his being avowedly a Christian.
Long before the spring crisis of 1951 General MacArthur was again and again featured in the obscure religious papers of many Christian denominations as a man who asked for more Christian missionaries for Japan and for New Testaments to give his soldiers. MacArthur’s devout Christianity was jeered in some quarters but it made a lasting impression on that silent majority of Americans who have been deeply wounded by the venality and treason of men in high places.
“I was privileged in Tokyo,” wrote John Gunther in The Riddle of MacArthur, “to read through the whole file of MacArthur’s communications and pronouncements since the occupation began, and many of these touch, at least indirectly, on religious themes. He Constantly associates Christianity with both democracy and patriotism.”
MacArthur is a Protestant, but to the editor of the Brooklyn Tablet, a Catholic periodical, he wrote as follows: Through daily contact with our American men and women who are here engaged in the reshaping of Japan’s future, there are penetrating into the Japanese mind the noble influences which find their origin and their inspiration in the American home. These influences are rapidly bearing fruit, and apart from the great numbers who are coming formally to embrace the Christian faith, a whole population is coming to understand, practice and cherish its underlying principals and ideals.
To some people this language of General MacArthur’s may seem outmoded or antiquarian. The writings of the more publicized American theologians – darlings of leftist book-reviews – may indicate that the clear water of classical Christianity is drying up in a desert of experimental sociology, psychiatry, and institutionalized ethical culture. But such is not the case. The heart of America is still Christian in its felt need of redemption and salvation as well as in its fervent belief in the Resurrection.
Christianity in the historical, or classical, sense is closely allied with the founding and growth of America. It was the common adherence to some form of Christianity which made it “possible to develop some degree of national unity out of the heterogeneous nationalities represented among the colonists” of early America (The Immigration and Naturalization Systems of the United States, p. 231).
This acceptance of the tenets of Christianity as the bases of our American society gave our people a body of the basis of our American society gave our people a body of shared ideals — a universally accepted code of conduct.
Firmly rooted in Christianity was our conception of honor, both personal and national. It was not until a dominant number of powerful preachers and church executives got tired of the church’s foundation-stone, charity, and abandoned it to welfare agencies – it was not until these same leaders transferred their loyalty from the risen Christ to a new sort of leftist cult stemming from national councils and conferences – that public morality declined to its present state in America. But the people in the leftist-infiltrated churches have by no means strayed as far as their leaders from the mainstream of Christianity. The really Christian people in all denominations wish to see restored in America the set of values, the pattern of conduct, the code of honor, which constitute and unify Western civilization and which once made ours a great and united country. It was precisely to this starved sense of spiritual unity, this desire to recover a lost spiritual heritage, that MacArthur the Christian made an unconscious appeal which burst forth into an enthusiasm never before seen in our country.
And so, when the Augean stables of our government are cleaned out, we must, in the words of George Washington, “put only Americans on guard.” We must have as secretaries of State and Defense men who will go down through their list of assistant secretaries, counselors. division chiefs, and so on, and remove all persons under any suspicion of Communism whether by ideological expression, association, or what not. While danger stalks the world, we should entrust the destiny of our beloved country to those and only those who can say with no reservation:
“This Is My Own, My Native Land!”
AMERICA CAN STILL BE FREE
In the speech of his play King John, Shakespeare makes a character say:
This England never did, nor never shall
Lie at the proud foot of a conqueror
But when it first did help wound itself.
In June, 1951, before the members of the Texas Legislature in Austin, General of the Army Douglas MacArthur made a speech of which the above quotation might have been the text. He said in part: I am concerned for the security of our great nation, not so much because of any potential threat from without, but because of the insidious force working from within which, opposed to all of our great traditions, have gravely weakened the structure and tone of our American way of life.
The “insidious forces working from within” and “opposed to all our great traditions” are the first and most serious challenge that faces America. There are those who seek to corrupt our youth that they may rule them. There those who seek to destroy our unity by stirring up antagonism among the various Christian denominations, There are those who, in one way or another, intrude their stooges into many of our high military and executive offices. Effective in any evil purpose is the current menace of censorship, imposed not by those of alien origin and sympathy within our country, but by alien-dominated agencies of the United Nations.
Moreover, and even more significant, it must not be forgotten that an undigested mass in the “body politic,” an ideologically hostile “nation within the nation,” has through history proved the spearhead of the conquerors. The alien dictators of Rumania, Hungary Poland, and other Eastern European countries have been discussed in Chapter II. Throughout history members of an unassimilated minority have repeatedly been used as individual spies – as when the Parthians used Jews in Rome while the Romans used Jews in Parthia for the same purpose. Recent instances of espionage – discussed above in Chapter II – involved the theft of atomic secrets from both Canada and the United States.
In addition to working individually for the enemies of his country, the unassimilated alien has often worked collectively.
According to A History of Palestine from 135 A.D. to Modern Times, by James Parkes (Oxford University Press, New York, 1909), Persians in 614 A.D. invaded Palestine, a part of the Christian Roman Empire of the East, and took Jerusalem. Here is Mr. Parkes’s account:
There is no doubt that the… Jews aided the Persians with all the men they could muster, and that the help they gave was considerable. Once Jerusalem was in Persian hands a terrible massacre of Christians took place, and the Jews are accused of having taken the lead in this massacre. (op. cit., p. 81).
Mr. Parkes concludes that it “would not be surprising if the accusation were true.”
Another famous betrayal of a country by its Jewish minority took place in Spain. In his History of the Jews, already referred to, Professor Graetz gives an account (Vol. III, p. 109) of coming of alien conquerors into Spain, a country which had been organized by the Visgoths, a race closely akin in blood to the English, Swedes, Germans and other peoples of the North Sea Area:
The Jews of Africa, who at various times had emigrated thither from Spain, and their unlucky co-religionists of the Peninsula, made common cause with the Mahometan conqueror, Tarik, who brought over from Africa into Andalusia an army eager for the fray. After the battle of Xeres (July, 711), and the death of Roderic, the last of the Visigothic kings, the victorious Arabs pushed onward, and were everywhere supported by the Jews. In every city that they conquered, the Moslem generals were able to leave but a small garrison of their own troops, as they had need of every man for subjection of the country; they therefore confided them to the safekeeping of the Jews. In this manner the Jews, who had but lately been serfs, now became masters of the towns of Cordova, Granada, Malaga, and many others. When Tarik appeared before the capitol, Toledo, he found it occupied by a small garrison only, the nobles and clergy having found safety in flight. While the Christians were in church, praying for the safety of their country and religion, the Jews flung open the gates to the victorious Arabs (Palm Sunday, 712), receiving them with acclamations, and thus avenged themselves for the many miseries which had befallen them in the course of a century since the time of Reccared and Sisebut. The Capital also was entrusted by Tarik to the custody of the Jews, while he pushed on in pursuit of the cowardly Visogoths, who had sought safety in flight, for the purpose of recovering from them the treasure which they had carried off.
Finally when Musa Ibn-Nosair, the Governor of Africa, brought a second army into Spain and conquered other cities, he also delivered them into the custody of the Jews.
The “miseries” which prompted the Jews of Spain to treason are explained by Professor Graetz. King Sisebut was annoyingly determined to convert them to Christianity, and among the “miseries” inflicted by King Reccared “the most oppressive of all was the restraint touching the possession of the slaves. Henceforward the Jews were neither to purchase Christian slaves nor accept them as presents.” (History of the Jews, Vol. III, p. 46) The newly Christianized east German Goths of Spain were noted for their chastity, piety, and tolerance (Encyc. Brit., Vol. X, p. 551), but the latter quality apparently was not inclusive enough to allow the wealthy alien minority to own the coveted bodies of fair-haired girls and young men.
There is a lesson for Americans in the solicitude of the Visigoths for their young. Americans of native stock should rouse themselves from their half-century of lethargic indifference and should study the set-up which permits the enslavement of young people’s minds by forces hostile to Western Christian civilization. Our boys and girls are propagandized constantly by books, periodicals, motion pictures, radio, television and advertisements; and from some of the things that they read and see and hear they are influenced toward a degraded standard of personal conduct, an indifference to the traditional doctrines of Christianity, and a sympathy for Marxism or Communism. American parents must evolve and make successful a positive – not a negative – counter – movement in favor of the mores of Western civilization, or that civilization will fall. It is well known that the Communists expend their greatest effort at capturing the young; but in this most vital of all fields those Americans who are presumably anti-Communistic have – at least up to the summer of 1952 – made so little effort that it may well be described as none at all.
(Editors note: the author had no knowledge of M-TV the new personal computer age, internet nor the pornography and smut that is so prevalent in all. It is apparent few took his warning to stop the Communist dream of just such a saturation of pornography, perversion, and moral depravity, as it has occurred on a massive scale rendering nearly a whole generation devoid of true Christian morals so necessary for the preservation of our Republic).
Since President Franklin Roosevelt’s recognition of the Soviet masters of Russia (November 16, 1933), the United States has consistently helped to “wound itself” by catering to the “insidious forces working from within” (Chapter II and III), who are “opposed to all our great traditions” of Christian civilization.
These powerful forces have been welcomed to our shores, have become rich and influential, and nothing has been expected of them beyond a pro-American patriotism rather than a hostile national separatism. In spite of all kindnesses, they have indeed ever, stubbornly adhered to their purposes and have indeed “gravely weakened the structure and tone of our American way of life.” But the wealth of our land and the vitality of our people are both so great that the trap has not yet been finally sprung; the noose has not yet been fatally drawn. Despite the hostile aliens who exert power in Washington; despite the aid and succor given them by uninformed, hired, or subverted persons of native stock; despite the work of the “romantics, bums and enemy agents” (Captain Michael Fielding, speech before Public Affairs Luncheon Club, Dallas, Texas, March 19, 1951) who have directed our foreign policy in recent years, there is a chance for survival of America. A great country can bee conquered only if it is inwardly rotten. We can still be free, if we wish.
Basic moves, as indicated in preceding chapters, are three:
We must (i) lift the iron-curtain of censorship (Chapter V) which, not satisfied with falsifying the news of the hour, has gone back into the past centuries to mutilate the classics of our literature and to exclude from school histories such vital and significant facts as those presented in Chapter I and II and above in this chapter. A start towards this goal can be made by exercising some of the Constitution-guaranteed rights discussed in chapter VIII, and by subscribing to periodicals with a firm record of opposing Communism. The reading of periodicals and books friendly to the American traditions not only encourages and strengthens the publishers of such works, but makes the reader of them a better informed and therefore a more effective instrument in the great cause of saving Western Christian Civilization.
We must (ii) begin in the spirit of humane Christian civilization to evolve some method of preventing our inassimilable mass of aliens and alien-minded people from exercising in this country a power over our culture and our lives out of all proportion to the number of the minority, and to prevent this minority from shaping, against the general national interest, our policies on such vital matters as war and immigration. The American Legion seems to be working toward leadership in this vital matter. The movement should be supported by other veterans’ organizations, women’s clubs, luncheon clubs, and other groups favorable to the survival of America. In the great effort, no individual should fail; for there is no such thing as activity by a group, a club or even a legion, except as a product of the devoted zeal of one or more individuals.
Our danger from internal sources hostile to our civilization was the subject of a warning by General MacArthur in his speech before the Massachusetts Legislature on July 25, 1951: This evil force, with neither spiritual base nor moral standard, rallies the abnormal and sub-normal elements among our citizenry and applies internal pressure against all things we hold decent and all things that we hold right – the type of pressure which has caused many Christian nations abroad to fall and their own cherished freedoms to languish in the shackles of complete suppression.
As it has happened there it can happen here. Our need for patriotic fervor and religious devotion was never more impelling. There can be no compromise with atheistic communism – no half way in the preservation of freedom and religion. It must be all or nothing.
We must unite in the high purpose that the liberties etched upon the design of our life by our forefathers be unimpaired and that we maintain the moral courage and spiritual leadership to preserve inviolate that bulwark of all freedom, our Christian faith.
We must (iii) effect a genuine clean-up of our government (Chapter VIII) removing not only all those who can be proved to be traitors, but also all those whose policies have for stupidity or bad judgment been inimical to the interests of our country.
Following the removal of Acheson – and Marshall, who resigned in September, 1951 – and any successor appointees tarred by the same stick, and following the removal of the cohorts of alien-minded, indifferent, or stupid people in the hierarchies and in other government agencies and departments, the chances of a third world-wide war will be materially lessened, because our most likely attacker relies on such people, directly or indirectly as the case may be, to perform or permit acts of espionage and sabotage. The chances of a world-wide war will be greatly lessened if four relatively inexpensive steps are taken by our government. Even if general war breaks out, a successful outcome will be more likely if the steps are taken – as far as possible under such circumstances as may exist.
The word inexpensive is purposely used. It is high time that our government counts cost, for, as Lenin himself said, a nation can spend itself into economic collapse as surely as it can ruin itself by a wrong foreign policy.
The one horrible fact of World War II was the killing of 256,330 American men and seriously wounding of so many others. But the cost in money is also important to the safety of America. According to Life magazine’s History of World War II, that war cost us $350,000,000,000 (Christopher Notes, No. 33, March, 1951). Also – and it is to be hoped that there is some duplication – the “Aid Extended to All Foreign Countries by the U.S.” from July 1, 1940 to June 30, 1950 was $80,147,000,000 (Office of Foreign Transactions, Department of Commerce). This staggering figure is for money spent. The “cost from July 1, 1940 down to and including current proposals for overseas assistance add up to $104 billions,” according to Senator Hugh Butler of Nebraska, a member of the finance Committee, in a speech in the Senate on June 1, 1951 (Human Events, June 6, 1951). Thus Stalin’s confidence in and reliance on America’s collapse from organic spending as explicitly stated in his great March 10, 1939 address to the 18th Congress of the Communist Party could be prophetic.
Let us turn to the four relatively inexpensive steps – in addition to the preservation, or restoration, of our financial integrity – for saving America. These steps – which can be taken only after the clean-up of our department of State and Defense and our Executive agencies – are (a) the frustration of the plans of Communists actually in the United States; (b) the adoption of a foreign policy, diplomatically and defensively, which is based not on a political party’s need of votes, but on the safety of America; (c) a study of the United Nations Organization and a decision that the American people can trust; and (d) a factual recognition of and exploitation of the cleavage between the Soviet government and the Russian people. A final sub-chapter (e) constitutes a brief conclusion The Iron Curtain Over America.
(a) For our reconstituted, or rededicated, government the first step, in both immediacy and importance, is to act against Communism not in Tierra del Fuego or Tristan da Cunha, but in the United States. Known Communists in this country must, under our laws, be at once apprehended and either put under surveillance or deported; and independent Soviet secret police force, believed by some authorities to be in this country in the numbers estimated at 4,000, must be ferreted out. Unless these actions are taken, all overseas adventures against Communists are worse than folly, because our best troops will be away from home when the Soviet give word to the 43,217 Communists known to the F.B.I., to the 4,000, and incidentally to the 472,170 hangers-on (figures based on J. Edgar Hoover’s estimated ten collaborators for each actual member) to destroy our transportation and communications systems and industrial potential. If the strike of a few railroad switchmen can virtually paralyze the country, what can be expected from a sudden unmasked Red army of half a million, many of them slyly working among the labor unions engaged in strategic work, often unknown to the leaders of those unions? (See “100 Things You Should Know About Communism and Labor,” 10cents, Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C.) The menace is not hypothetical. “Apparently there’s like spy business in this country. For, according to the F.B.I Director J. Edgar Hoover, the bureau shortly will investigate 90,000 separate instances of threats to America’s internal security. Last year his agents probed into 74799 such cases” (Victor Riesel’s syndicated column, April 3, 1952).
Director Hoover of the F.B.I is aware of the danger. In an interview (UP dispatch, March 18, 1951) he said: The Communists are dedicated to the overthrow of the American system of government… the destruction of strategic industries – that is the Communist blueprint of violent attack.” Secretary-Treasurer George Meany of the American Federation of Labor bears similar testimony (“The Last Five Years,” by George Meany, A.F. of L. Bldg. Washington 1, D.C., 1951):
…It is the Communists who have made the ranks of the labor their principal field of activity. It is the Communists who are hypocritically waging their entire unholy fight under the flag of world labor. It is the Communists whose strategy dictates that they must above all capture the trade unions before they can seize power in any country (p.2).
If anyone, after reading the above statements by the two men in America best situated to know, is still inclined to think our internal danger from infiltration of Soviet Communism into labor a fantasy, he should read “Stalinists Still Seek Control of Labor in Strategic Industries” in the February 24, 1951, issue of the Saturday Evening Post. According to this source:
…The communist fifth column in the American labor movement has cut its losses a and has completed its regrouping. It now claims to have 300,000 to 400,000 followers. Aside from Bridges’ own International Longshoreman’s and Warehousemen’s Union, some of the working-alliances members are in such strategic spots as the United Electrical Workers; Mines, Mills and Smelter Workers; United Public Workers; and the American Communications Association.
For a full analysis of the strength, the methods, and the weapons of the Communists in a country they plan to capture, see The Front is Everywhere: Militant Communism in Action, by William R. Kintner (University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, Oklahoma, 1950, $3.75). A West Point graduate, a General Staff Corps colonel in the Military Intelligence Service in the late phase of World War II, and a Doctor of Philosophy in the field in which he writes, Colonel Kintner is rarely qualified for his effectively accomplished task. His bibliography is a good guide for speakers, writers, and others, who require fuller facts on Communism.
Another essential background work is Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin: Soviet Concepts of War” in Makers of Modern Strategy, edited by Edward Mead Earle (Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1943).
The ratio of Actual Communists and other disgruntled elements of the total population in Russia of 1917 and the America of the middle of the twentieth century have often been compared and are strikingly similar. As of 1952, the American position is stronger than that of the Russian government of 1917 in that we have not just suffered a major military defeat. Our position is weaker, however, in the extent to which our administration is not only tolerant of but infiltrated with persons hostile to our traditions. Our actions against U.S. Communists must then include those in government. If inclined to doubt that communists are entrenched in government, do not forget the C.I.O., prior to the Tydings investigation, expelled its United Public Workers union (Abram Flaxer, president) for being Communist-dominated! And note the name “United Public Workers” in the Post list quoted above!
Once more, let it be stressed that the removal of Communists from their strategic spots in the government must take precedence over everything else, for government Communists are not only able to steal secret papers and stand poised for sabotage; they are also often in positions where they prevent actions against Communists outside the government. For instance, Mr. Meany testified (op. cit., p. 3) that some of the anti-communist success of the American Federation of Labor has accomplished “despite opposition even from some of our government agencies and departments.”
If any reader is still inclined to doubt the essential validity – irrespective of proof in a court of law with judge or judges likely to have been appointed by “We need those votes” Roosevelt or “Red Herring” Truman – of the charges of Senator Joseph McCarthy of Wisconsin, arch-enemy of Tydings whitewash, or is inclined to question the judgment of the C.I.O. in its expulsion of Communists, he should ponder the test formulated by Christ in ancient Palestine: Ye shall know them by their fruits” (St Matthew, VII, 16). There have been large and poisonous harvests from government-entrenched Communists. The most deadly, including atomic espionage and pro-Soviet foreign policy, have been analyzed above (Chapter II, IV, VI). More recent was the successful Communist Daily Worker campaign for the removal of General MacArthur – a campaign culminating in an across-the-page headline on April 9, 1951, just before General MacArthur was dismissed from his command in Korea, and from his responsibilities in Japan. The pressure of the Communists was not the only pressure upon the President for the dismissal of General Macarthur. Stooges, fellow travelers, and dupes helped. The significance of the Communist pressure cannot be doubted, however, by anyone whose perusal of the Daily Worker has shown how many times Communist demands have foreshadowed Executive action (see “The Kremlin War on Douglas MacArthur,” by Congressman Daniel A Reed, of New York, National Republic, January, 1952).
Here follow some indications of recent fruitful Communist activity within our government – indications which should be studied in full by any who are still doubters. Late in 1948 an article by Constantine Brown was headlined in the Washington Evening Star as follows : “Top Secret Documents Known to Reds Often Before U.S. Officials Saw Them.” “Army Still Busy Kicking Out Reds Who Got In During the War”, the Washington Times-Herald headlined on February 11, 1950, the article, by William Edwards, giving details on Communist-held positions in the “orientation of youthful American soldiers.” “When are We Going to Stop Helping Russia Arm?” was asked by O.K. Armstrong and Fredric Sondern. Jr. in December, 1950, Readers Digest. “How U.S. Dollars Armed Russia” is the title of an article by Congressman Robert B. Chiperfield of Illinois, a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee (National Republic, 511 Eleventh St. N. W. 7 D.C., February, 1951). See the Congressional Record, or write to the senators concerned, for an account of the successful efforts of Senator Herbert F. O’Conor of Maryland and Senator John J. Williams of Delaware in breaking up the scandal of our officially permitting – and by our blockade actually aiding – the furnishing of supplies to Chinese Communists when their government troops were at the time killing our young men in Korea! See also the full “Text of House Un-American Activities Committee’s Report on Espionage in the Government” (New York Times, December 31, 1948; or from your Congressman).
If existing laws against Communism – including the Internal Security law whose passage over the President’s veto was discussed in Chapter VIII – are inadequate, appropriate new laws should be recommended by the Department of Justice for dealing with the Communist menace within the Congress. Advance approval of the laws by the Department of Justice is desirable, so that no flaws in the laws’ coverage can later be alleged by an enforcement official. If the Justice Department will not at once provide the text of a needed law, the judiciary committees of the two Houses are amply able to do so, and should proceed on their own. If any administration, present or future, flouts the anti-subversive laws passed by Congress, the Congress should take necessary action – including impeachment, if other efforts fail – to secure the enforcement of the laws.
Unless action is soon taken against U.S. Communists (despite any “We need those votes” considerations), our whole radar defense and our bomb shelters are wasted money and effort, for there is no way of surely preventing the importation of atom bombs or unassembled elements of them across some point on our 53,904 detailed tidal shoreline (exclusive of Alaska, whose detailed tidal shoreline furnishes another 33,904 miles) except to clean out possible recipients of the bombs whether operating in government agencies or elsewhere in the United Stated. We would by no means be the first country to take steps against Communists. Progress In this direction in Spain and Canada is elsewhere mentioned. Also, “the Communist Party has been outlawed in the Middle East Countries” except in “Israel” (Alfred M. Lilienthal, Human Events, August 2, 1950).
As a conclusion to this section of the last of The Iron Curtain Over America, let it be stressed that American People in every city block, in every rural village, and on every farm must be vigilant in the matter of opposing Communism and in persuading the government to take effective measures against it. “There has been a tremendous amount of false information disseminated in the world as to the alleged advantages of Communism,” said General Wedemeyer to his summation of his recommendations to the MacArthur Committee of the Senate (U.S. News and World Report, June 22,1951). “People all over the world are told that Communism is really the people’s revolution and that anyone opposing it is a reactionary or a Fascist or imperialist. Because of the prominence of the Jews in Communism from the Communist Manifesto (1848) to the atomic espionage trials (1950, 1951), anti-communist activity is also frequently referred to erroneously as anti-Semitic (see Chapters II, III, and V). This propaganda-spread view that Communism is “all right” and that those who oppose it are anti-Semitic, or “”reactionaries” of some sort, may be circulated in your community by an actual member of the Communist Party. More likely, it is voiced by a deluded teacher, preacher, or other person who has believed the subtle but lying propaganda that has been furnished to him. Be careful not to hurt the ninety percent or more American-minded teachers (Educational Guardian,1 Maiden Lane, New York,7, New York, July, 1951, p.2) and a probably similar majority of preachers; but use our influence to frustrate the evil intent of the “two or five or ten percent of subverters.” Draw your inspiration from Christ’s words, “For this cause I came into the world” (St. John 18:37) and let the adverse situation in your community inspire you to make counter efforts for Western Christian civilization. Never forget that the basic conflict in the world today is not between the Russian people and the American people but Communism and Christianity. Work then also, for the friendly operation of all Christian denominations in our great struggle for the survival of the Christian West. Divided we fall!
(b) In the second place, our foreign military policy must be entirely separated from the question of minority votes in the United States and must be based on the facts of the world as known by our best military scholars and strategists. That such has not been the case since 1933 has been shown above (Chapter VI) in the analysis of our official attitudes toward China, Palestine, and Germany. Additional testimony of the utmost authority is furnished by General Bonner Fellers. In reviewing Admiral Ellis M. Zacharias’s book Behind Closed Doors (Putnam’s New York, $3.75), the former intelligence officer General Fellers states: “Behind Closed Doors reveals that we have embarked upon a military program which our leaders know to be unsound, yet they are unwilling to tell the American people the truth!” (The Freeman, October 30, 1950)
This statement prompts a mention of the fact that a colonelcy is the highest rank attainable from the United States Army (similarly, a captaincy in the Navy). By a regulation inherited from the days when the total number of general officers was about twenty-five, all appointments to the general rank from one-star Brigadier to five-star General of the Army are made by the President of the United States (so also for the corresponding ranks in the Navy). It is obvious that merit is a factor in the choice of generals and admirals as field and fleet commanders. Merit is surely a factor also for many staff positions of star-wearing rank. Just as surely, however, the factor of “political dependability” also enters into selection of those high-ranking staff officers who make policy and are allowed to express opinions. “The conclusion is inescapable that our top military Commanders today are muzzled. They do not dare to differ within the civilian side of military questions for fear of being removed or demoted” (from “Louis Johnson’s Story is Startling,” by David Lawrence, The Evening Star, Washington, June 18, 1951). In view of such testimony derived from a farmer Secretary of Defense, it must be concluded that it was to a large extent a waste of time for the Senate to summon generals and admirals close to the throne in Washington in the year 1951 for analysis of Truman-Acheson policies. The following passage from the great speech of General MacArthur before the Massachusetts Legislature (July 25, 1951) is highly pertinent: Men of significant stature in the national affairs appear to cower before the threat of reprisal if the truth be expressed in criticism of those in higher public authority. For example, I find in existence a new and dangerous concept that the members of our armed forces owe primary allegiance and loyalty to those who temporarily exercise the authority of the executive branch of Government, rather than to the country and its Constitution which they are sworn to defend.
If the Congress wants to learn other aspects of a strategic or logistic situation besides the administration’s viewpoint, it must summon not agents and implementers of the administration’s policy, but non-political generals, staff officers below star-rank, and retired officers, Regular. National Guard, and Reserve. Competent officers in such categories are not hard to find. There are also a number of patriotic Americans with diplomatic experience. In an address over three major networks (April 13,1951) Representative Joseph W. Martin, Jr., Republican leader in the House, named seven generals including Kruger, Whitney, Chennault, and Wedemeyer: seven admirals including King, Halsey, Yarnell, and Denfeld; four Marine Corps generals, and ten diplomats including Hurley – all of the twenty-eight expert in one way or another on the Far East and none of them close to the Washington throne where Far East policy decisions have come from the plans and thinking of persons such as John Carter Vincent, John S. Service, Owen Lattimore, Philip C. Jessup, Lauchlin Currie, Dean G. Acheson, and their fellow travelers!
No attempt can be here made to analyze the complex structure of our foreign relations. Nowhere are any guesses made as to future national policy. No attempt is made to enter into details in the fields of logistics and manpower, and no suggestions will be made on the tactics or strategy of a particular operation, for such decisions are the responsibility of informed commanders on the scene.
A few words are indicated, however, in our choice of the two allied subjects of gasoline and distance from a potential enemy as factors in the defense of the West.
This matter of gasoline is most significant in our choice of areas for massing troops against a possible thrust from the Soviet. Of the world’s supply, it was estimated in 1950 by petroleum experts that the U.S. and friendly nations controlled 93%, whereas the Soviet controlled 7%. The fighting of a war on the Soviet perimeter (Korea or Germany) would appear thus as an arrangement – whether so intended or not – to give the Soviet leaders a set-up in which their limited supply of gasoline and oil would not be an obstacle.
Beyond question, the Soviet maintains at all times sufficient gasoline reserves for a sudden thrust into close-at-hand West Germany. But the Soviet almost certainly does not have enough gasoline for conquering, for instance, a properly armed Spain which, because of its distance from Soviet supply sources and because of its water and mountain barriers, has in the age of guided missiles superseded Britain as the fortress of Europe.
This fact, inherent in the rise of the significance of the air arm, prompts an analysis of the Roosevelt and Truman attitudes towards Spain. Through Franklin Roosevelt tolerated benignly the bitter anti-Franco statements of his Communist and other leftist supporters, he maintained more or less under cover a friendly working arrangement by which during World War II we derived from Spain many advantages superior to those accorded by Spain to the Axis countries. Adequate details of Spain’s help to America in World War II can be had in a convincing article, “Why Not a Sensible Policy Toward Spain?” by Congressman Dewey Short of Missouri (Readers Digest, May, 1949). The reader interested in still further details should consult the book, Wartime Mission in Spain (The Macmillian Company, New York) by Professor Carlton J. H. Hayes, who served as our Ambassador to Spain from May, 1942, to March, 1945.
To one of the many ways in which Spain helped us, the author of The Iron Curtain Over America can bear personal testimony. When our aviators flew over France they were instructed, if shot down, to make their way to Spain. If Franco had been pro-Hitler, he would have returned them to the Germanys. If he had been neutral, he would have interned. If friendly, he would have turned them over to the United States to give our leaders their priceless intelligence information and to fly again. That is precisely what Franco did; and it was to the office this writer, then Chief of the Interview Section in the Military Intelligence service, that a representative number of these flyers reported when flown to Washington via Lisbon from friendly Spain.
The principle trouble with Spain, from the point of view of our influential Leftists, seems to be that there are no visible Communists in that country and no Marxists imbedded in the Spanish government. Back in 1943 (February 21) Franco wrote as follows to Sir Samuel Hoare, British Ambassador to Spain: “Our alarm at Russian advances is common not only to neutral nations, but also to all those people in Europe who have not yet lost their sensibilities and their realization of the peril… Communism is an enormous menace to the whole world and now that it is sustained by the victorious armies of a great country all those not blind must wake up.” More on the subject can be found in Frank Waldrop’s article, “What Fools We Mortals Be,” in the Washington Times-Herald for April 17, 1948.
It is not surprising perhaps that, just as there are no visible Communists in Spain, an anti-Spanish policy has long been one of the main above-board activities of U. S. Communists and fellow travelers. Solicitude for the leftist votes has, as a corollary, influenced our policy towards Spain. For America’s unjustified tendency “to treat Spain as a leper,” not from “any action on the part of Spain in the past or present” but for the “winning of electoral votes,” see “Britain and an American-Spanish Pact,” by Cyril Falls, Chichele Professor of History of War in Oxford University (The Illustrated London News, August 4, 1951).
The following anti-Franco organizations have been listed as Communist by the U. S. Attorney General (see the Senate report, Communist Activities Among Aliens and National Groups, Part III, p.A10):
Abraham Lincoln Brigade
Action Committee to Free Spain Now
Comite Coordinator Pro Republica Espanola
North American Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy
North American Spanish Committee
United Spanish Aid Committee
Another cause of the anti-Spanish propaganda of American leftists is the fact that Spain – aware of History’s bloody records of treason of ideologically unassimilated minorities – has not complicated its internal problems by admitting hordes of so-called “refugees” from Eastern Europe.
The Same world forces which blocked our resumption of full diplomatic relations with Spain have prevented the UN from inviting Spain to be a member of that organization.
Whether Spain is in or out of that ill-begotten and seemingly expiring organization may matter very little, but Spain in any defense of the West matters decisively. “In allying itself with Spain the United States would exchange a militarily hopeless position on the continent of Europe for a very strong one” (Hoffman Nickerson: “Spain, the Indispensable Ally,” The Freeman, November 19,1951). The way for friendship with Spain was at last opened when the Senate, despite President Truman’s bitter opposition, approved in August, 1950,a loan to that country, and was further cleared on November 4, 1950, when the UN, although refusing to lift the ban against Spain’s full entry into the United Nations,” did vote to allow Spanish representation on certain “specialized agencies such as the world health and postal organizations” (AP dispatch, Dallas Morning News, November 5,1950). As to the loan authorized by Congress in August, 1950, it was not until June 22, 1951, that the “White House and State Department authorized the Export-Import Bank to let Spain buy wheat and other consumer goods out of the $62,500,000 Spanish loan voted by the Congress last year” Washington Post, June 23, 1951).
In his testimony to the combined Armed Service and Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate on May 24, 1951 (AP dispatch from Washington) Chief of Staff General Omar Bradley admits that “from a military point of view” the Joint Chiefs would like to have Spain on our side. Finally, the clamor of the public and the attitude of the military prevailed and in July, 1951, the United States, to the accompaniment of a chorus of abuse from Socialist governments of Britain and France (New York Times, July 17, 1951), began official conversations with Spain on mutual defense. On August 20, 1951, a military survey team,” which was “composed of all three armed services,” left Washington for Spain (New York Times, August 21, 1951)). This move toward friendly relations for mutual advantage of the two countries not only has great potential value, for Spain is the Mother Country for all Latin America from Rio Grande to Cape Horn with the sole exception of Brazil. Spain is, moreover, of all European countries, the closest in sympathy with the Moslem World. Each year, for instance, it welcomes to Cordoba and Toledo thousands of Moslem pilgrims. Peace between the Moslem and Christian was a century-old fact until ended by the acts of Truman administration on behalf of “Israel.” It will be a great achievement if our resumption of relations with Spain leads to a renewal of friendly relations with the Moslem world. We must be sure, however, that our military men in Spain will not be accompanied by State Department and Executive agencies vivandiéres, peddling the dirty wares of supervision and Communism. (Human Events, August 8, 1951).
With the Atlantic Ocean, the Mediterranean, and the lofty Pyrenees Mountains as barriers; under the sheltering arm of distance; and above all with no visible internal Communists or Marxists to sabotage our efforts, we can – if our national defense so requires – safely equip Spain’s eighteen well disciplined divisions, can develop airfields unapproachable by hostile ground troops, and in the deep inlets and harbors of Spain can secure safe ports for our navy and our merchant fleet. Our strengthening of Spain, second only to our keeping financially solvent and curbing Communists in this country, would undoubtedly be a very great factor in the preventing the Soviet leaders from launching an all-out war. Knowing that with distant Pyrenees-guarded and American-armed Spain against them, they could not finally win, they almost certainly would not begin.
Our strengthening of Spain’s army, potentially the best in Europe outside of the Communist lands, would not only have per se a powerful military value; it would also give an electric feeling of safety to the really anti-Communist elements in other Western European countries. Such near-at-hand reassurance of visible strength is sorely needed in France, for that country since the close of World War II has suffered from the grave internal menace of approximately 5,000,000 know Communists. In the general elections of the members of the French National Assembly on June 17, 1952 the Soviet-sponsored Communist Party polled more than a fourth of all votes cast (New York Times, June 19, 1951), and remained the largest single political party in France. Moreover, Communists leaders dominate labor in crucial French industries. “In France, the Communists are still the dominate factor in the trade unions: (The Last Five Years,” by George Meany, American Federation of Labor, Washington, D. C., p.11). See also the heavily documented article, “French Communism,” by Andre La Guerre in Life, January 29, 1951. With Communists so powerful and so ready for sabotage or for actual rebellion, the France of 1952 must be regarded as of limited value as an ally. As said above, however, the dependability of France in the defense of the West would be enhanced by United States aid to the military forces of Anti-Communist Spain.
With Spain armed, and with the Socialist government of Britain thrown out by Mr. Churchill’s Conservative Party in the election of October 25, 1951, the spirit of Europe may revive. If not, it is to much to expect America to save Europe forever, for “if 250 million people in Western Europe, with industry far larger than that of Russia, cannot find a way to get together and to build a basis for defense on land, then something fundamental may be wrong with Western Europe.” (U. S. News and World Report, June 22, 1951, p. 10). Perhaps the “wrong” is with our policy – at least largely. For instance, deep in our policy and irrespective of our official utterances, “Germany is written off as an ally” to avoid “ political liability in New York” (Frank C. Hanighen in Human Events, February 7, 1951).
Spain, with its national barriers and the strategic position of its territory astride the Strait of Gibraltar, could become one anchor of an oil-and-distance defense arc. By their location and by their anti-Communist ideology, the Moslem nations of the Middle East are the other end of this potential crescent of safety. Friendship with these nations would, like friendship with Spain, be a very great factor in preventing a third world-wide war.
Among nations on the Soviet periphery, Turkey, mountainous and military-minded, is pre-eminently strong. Perhaps because it would be an effective ally, it long received the cold shoulder from our State Department. Suddenly, however, in the autumn of 1951, Turkey, along with Greece, was given a status similar to that of nations of Western Europe (not including Spain) in the proposed mutual defense against Communism. This apparently reluctant change of policy by our government toward Greece and Turkey seems – like the sending of a military mission to Spain – to have grown unquestionably from pubic clamor in America as shown in the newspapers, especially in letters from the people, as heard on the radio from the patriotic commentators, and as reflected in pools of public opinion. This success of the people in changing national policy should hearten the average citizen to newer efforts in the guiding his country to sound policies. It is most essential for every individual to remember that every great achievement is the result of a multitude of small efforts.
Between Spain and Turkey, the Mediterranean islands – Majorca and Minorca, Corsica and Sardinia, Sicily and Malta, Crete and Cyprus – are well developed and well fortified by nature. Perhaps the United States should make some of them into impregnable bases by friendly agreement with their authorities. The incontestable value of an island fortress is shown by Malta’s surviving the ordeal of Axis bombing in World War II as well as by Hitler’s capture of Crete, in the German failure before Moscow in the following December.
In the Eastern Mediterranean, the island of Cyprus (visited by the author) is potentially a very strong bastion. In relationship to the Dardanelles, the Soviet oil fields, and the strategic Aleppo-Baghdad-Cairo triangle, Cyprus’s water-girt site is admirable. Since its mountain ranges reach a height of more than 6,000 feet, and are located like giant breastworks defending a broad interior plain, the island might well become the location of underground hangars and landing fields for a great air fortress. Others of the islands listed above offer advantages of one sort or another to air or other forces.
South of the Mediterranean’s necklace of islands, lies Africa, the ultimate key to the success or failure of the Western World in preventing an aggressive move against Europe. It is air power in Africa, in the great stretch of the hills and plains from Morocco to Egypt, that might well be the major deterrent of any hostile move in Europe or in the Middle East by the Soviet Union. “Air power offers the only effective counter-measure against Russian occupation of the Middle East. The deeper the Red Army moves into this priceless strategic area, the more it supply lines can be disrupted by air strikes” (Africa and Our Security,” by General Bonner Fellers, The Freeman, August 13, 1951). In his valuable article, General Fellers states further that a “small, highly trained and mobile ground force, with adequate air protection and support,” can defend African air bases, which in turn could prevent the crossing of the Mediterranean by hostile forces in dangerous numbers.
The Moslem lands of the Middle East and North Africa (as sources of oil and as bases for long range bombers) should by a proper diplomatic approach, be pulled positively and quickly into the United States defense picture. Barring new inventions not yet in sight, and barring disguised aid from our government (such as Truman and Acheson gave the Chinese Communists in the Strait of Formosa), the Soviet Union cannot win a world war without the oil of the Middle East. Soviet delay in making overt moves in that theater may well have been determined by gasoline reserves insufficient for the venture.
The Soviet squeeze upon Iran was initiated at the Tehran Conference, where Stalin, who is said to be unwilling to leave his territory, entertained our rapidly declining President in the Soviet Embassy in a grandiose gesture insulting alike to the Iranians and to our staff in that country. Stalin’s alleged reason that his embassy was the only safe spot was in truth an astute face-raising gesture before the peoples of Asia, for he displayed Roosevelt, the symbolic Man of the West, held in virtual protective custody or house arrest by the Man of the East.
Details of the dinner in the Soviet Embassy to which Stalin invited “Father and the P. M.” are given by General Elliot Roosevelt in As He Saw It (pp.188, 189). Stalin proposed that Germany’s “war criminals” be disposed of by firing squads “as fast as we capture them, all of them, and there must be at least fifty thousand of them.”
According to General Roosevelt, the proposal shocked Prime Minister Churchill, who sprang quickly to his feet. “ ‘Any such attitude,’ he said, ‘is wholly contrary to our British sense of Justice! The British people will never stand for such mass murder… no one, Nazi or no, shall be summarily dealt with before a firing squad, without a proper legal trial…!!!’”
The impasse was resolved by the U. S. President: “ ‘Clearly there must be some sort of compromise,’ he said, accordingly to his son. “ ‘Perhaps we could say that instead of summarily execution of fifty thousand war criminals, we should settle on a smaller number. Shall we say forty-nine thousand five hundred?’”
It was in this way, prophetic of the crime of Nuremberg, that President Roosevelt, unquestionable very tired and probably already to ill to know the full import of his words and acts, threw away the last vestiges of our government’s respect for law, and for Western Christian tradition. In return, our president got nothing but flattering of the leftists around him and the gratification of a whim of decline which was to make Churchill scowl and Stalin smile! What a spectacle of surrender in the very capital of the strategically important and historic Persia!
Over all Stalin’s triumphs and Churchill’s defeats at Tehran was the shadow of the derricks of the Iranian oil fields. Should the Abadan refineries be shut down or their output flow in another direction, the result would be felt around the world. These refineries are the largest in the world, processing 550,000 barrels a day” (monthly Newsletter of Representative Frances Bolton of Ohio, June, 1951). And what a sorry figure America has played in this vital oil area from Tehran to 1951! “Our Government’s Deplorable Performance in Iran Has Contributed to a Great Disaster” was the sub-title of a Life editorial, How to Lose a World” (May 21, 1951), on Acheson’s policy of doing nothing except “let the pieces settle” after the expected disaster in the world’s greatest oil-producing area. In Iran or in an adjacent area, the Soviet may find it necessary to strike for her gasoline and lubricants before any major attempts can be successful elsewhere.
The well-known leftism of the State Department – as indicated in many ways, especially by the carefully documented testimony of Harold Stassen; and the C. I. O. ’s expulsion of the United Public Workers Union – and the early predilection of Prime Minister Atlee (1945-1951) for Communism raise the inevitable fear that the oil crisis in Iran, while publicly deplored by Britain and America, may well have been engineered by the very American and British government officials who then shed crocodile tears at the oil’s probable loss to the West!
A major world fact in the early 1950’s was the fall of the British prestige in the Middle East, and drawing of the Soviet into the resultant vacuum. The Attlee government’s protest on Iranian oil nationalization commanded no respect anywhere, for the Iranians were copying the home program of the Socialist government of Britain! Britain’s humiliation in Iran was made graver by the long threatened but never carried out dispatch of some 4,500 paratroopers to the oil fields – a gesture which was said to have stemmed from the Socialist Defense Minister at that time, the Jewish statesman Emanuel Shinwell (UP dispatch from Tehran, May 25, 1951). Whether or not Mr. Churchill’s government (October, 1951) can save the situation is for the future to show. There was no comfort for non-Communists in his speech before the two houses of the U. S. Congress on January 17, 1952 – a speech which called not for peace with justice to the Moslems of the Middle East but for U. S. troops!
The moral power of America as a mediator, like that of Britain, has moved towards zero. Nearly a million destitute Moslems refugees from Palestine – who have in their veins more of the blood of Biblical peoples than any other race in the World today – are straggling here and there in the Middle East or are in displaced persons’ camps, and are not silent about the presence of American officers (Chapter VI, above) commanding the troops which drove them from their homes, For details on these hopeless refuges sent to wandering and starving by our policy, see Alfred M. Lilienthal’s “Storm Clouds Over the Middle East,” Human Events, August 2, 1950. The evil we did to Palestine may be our nemesis in Iran and Egypt! The truth is that because of America’s sponsoring of bloody little “Israel” – and Britain’s falling in line – the Moslem Middle East resents the presence of the previously respected and admired Anglo-Saxon powers (Mr. Churchill’s speech).
Moreover, the Zionists are not quiescent. The summer of 1951 saw clashes on the “Israeli” frontiers and the exposure of the Zionist schemes in other parts of the Middle East. Here is a sample:
Baghdad, Iraq, June 18 (AP) – Police said today they had discovered large quantities of weapons and explosives in Izra Daoud Synagogue. Military sources estimated it was enough to dynamite all Baghdad.
This was the latest discovery reported by police, who said yesterday they found a large store of machine guns, bombs, and ammunition in the former home of a prominent Jew.
After details of other discoveries the dispatch concludes, “Police said the ammunition was stored by the Baghdad Zionist Society, which was described as a branch of the World Zionist Organization” (New York Times, June 19,1951).
In spite of our deserved low reputation in the Moslem world, American counter-moves of some sort to save Middle East oil and the Suez Canal are imperative. The proper approach is obvious, but will our government make it? “The Moslems, and those allied with them religiously and sympathetically, compose almost one-half of the world’s people who control almost one-half of the world’s land area. We infuriated them when we helped drive a million Arabs from their native lands in the Middle East” (Newsletter of Congressman Ed Gossett of Texas, February 1, 1951). “The recapture of the friendship of 400,000,000 Moslems by the United States, and its retention, may prove the deciding factor in preserving world peace” (statement of Congressman Ed Gossett in the House of Representatives June 12, 1951, as recorded in the Congressional Record). In the Washington Times-Herald (Sept. 28, 1951), Senator Malone of Nevada also called attention to the sound sense and strategic advantage of having the Moslem world on our side.
The recaptured friendship with the Moslem is not only a question of acts of justice on our part but is tied to the question of absolute vital oil reserves, The oil of the Middle East is essential to preventing World War III or to our winning it. In World War II we had gasoline rationing with the oil of the Middle East on our side. What would we do in another war, far more dependent on gasoline, with the Middle East on the other side? And what would we do if the West should lose the Suez Canal?
The first move to prevent such a disaster – after cleaning out our State Department as the American Legion Demanded by a vote of 2,881 to 131 at it’s National Convention in Miami (October, 1951) – should be to send a complete new slate of American diplomats to Moslem nations from Egypt and Yemen to Iraq and Iran. These new diplomats should have instructions to announce a changed policy which is long overdue. The present State Department, stained with past errors, could not succeed even if it should wish to succeed.
A changed policy implemented by new officials would almost certainly be received by the Moslem world with cordiality and gratitude, for until the Israel grab was furthered in this country America was throughout the Middle East the least disliked and least feared foreign power. At the close of the Second World War the Near East was friendly to the United States and her Allies,” said Ambassador Kamil Bey Abdul Rahim of Egypt (Congressional Record, June 13 1051) in an address delivered at Princeton University on June 2, 1951. By 1952, however “a spirit of resentment and even revolt against the Western democracies” was sweeping through the Middle East. For the unfortunate fact of our having lost our friends the Ambassador finds the reason in the “policy of the West”:
The Palestine question is an outstanding example of this policy. Everyone knows that the serious injustice inflicted upon the Arabs in Palestine has alienated them and undermined the stability of the area.
The West’s continued political and financial support of the Zionists in Palestine is not helping the relations with the Near East, nor is it strengthening the forces which are fighting communism there.
By being again honorable in our dealing with the Moslem nations and by helping them, with a supply of long-range bombers or otherwise, to defend their oil, for which we are paying them good money, and will continue to pay them good money’ we could quickly create a situation under which the Soviet can not hope to conquer the Middle East. Thus lacking oil, the Soviet could not hope to conquer the world. It must not be forgotten, too, that apart from oil in the Middle East has great strategic significance. “Israel” and the adjacent Moslem lands are a vestibule which leads to Europe, to Asia, and to Africa.
In addition to building, primarily by honorable conduct and secondarily by thoughtfully planned assistance, a strength crescent from Spain through the Mediterranean and North Africa to our present problem in Korea and plans for safety of Japan, Formosa, and the Philippines. But as Senator Jenner of Indiana has pointed, “We cannot have peace in Asia if the negotiations are carried on by the men of Yalta” (Human Events, May 30, 1951). Then there is Alaska, one of those islands Little Diomede, is only three miles from and in sight of an island, Big Diomede, belonging to Russia. Of the Soviet’s two Far Eastern fronts, one is the hinterland of Vladivostok and the other is an armed quadrilateral opposite Nome, Alaska. Here, according to the military critic, Hanson Baldwin, is a garrison which “probably numbers more than 200,000 men” (see article and map, New York Times, march 15, 1949). No specific suggestions are made here, but it seems obvious that the defense of Alaska should receive priority over at least some of our more far-flung global ventures.
In conclusion of this section, a warning is in order – a warning that should be heeded in all America’s planning at home and abroad. In any efforts at helping the world, the primary help we can give is to remain solvent. A bankrupt America would be worse than useless to its allies. Foreign military aid should, therefore with two associated principles. We should cease mere political bureaucracy-building in this country and cut to reasonable minimum our government’s home spending. We should insist that foreign governments receiving our aid should also throw their energies and resources into the common cause.
There is no more dangerous fallacy than the general belief that America is excessively rich. Our natural resources are variously estimated at being six percent to ten percent of the world’s total. These slender resources are being more rapidly depleted than those of any other power. Our national debt also is colossal beyond anything known in other parts of the world. Can a spendthrift who is heavily in debt be properly called a wealthy man? By what yardstick then are we a “rich” nation?
Fortunately a few Americans in high places are awake to the danger of a valueless American dollar. General MacArthur, for instance, in his speech before the Massachusetts Legislature gave the following warning:
The free world’s one great hope for survival now rests upon the maintaining and preserving of our own strength. Continue to dissipate it and that one hope is dead. If the American people would pass on the standard of life and the heritage of opportunity they themselves have enjoyed to their children and their children’s children they should ask their representatives in government:
“What is the plan for the easing of the tax burden upon us? What is the plan for bringing to a halt this inflationary movement which is progressively and inexorably decreasing the purchasing power of our currency, nullifying the protection of our insurance provisions, and reducing those of fixed income to hardship and despair?”
(c) An early duty of a completely reconstituted Department of State will be to advise the Congress and the American people on the United Nations
Launched in 1945 when our government’s mania for giving everything to the Soviet was at its peak, the United Nations got off to an unfortunate start. Our most influential representative at San Francisco, “The Secretary-General of the United Nations Conference on International Organization,” was none other than Alger Hiss. It is not surprising, then, that United States leftists, from pink to vermilion, found homes in the various cubicles of the new organization. According to a personal statement to the author by the late Robert Watt, American Federation of Labor leader and authority on international affairs, all members except the chairman of one twenty-one member U. S. contingent to the permanent UN staff were known Communists or fellow travelers. These people and others of the same sort are for the most part still UN harness.
Moreover, and as is to be expected, the work of our own delegation cannot be impartially assessed as being favorable to the interest, or even the survival, of the United States as a nation. Very dangerous to us, for instance, is our wanton meddling into the internal affairs of the other nations by such a program as the one we call land reform. “The United States will make land reform in Asia, Africa, and Latin America a main plank in its platform for world economic development. At the appropriate time, the United States delegation [to the UN] will introduce a comprehensive resolution to the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations” (dispatch, August 1, by Michael L. Hoffman from Geneva to the New York Times, August 2, 1951). Can anyone with any sense think that our collection of leftists, etc., in the UN really know how to reform the economic and social structure of three continents? Is not the whole scheme an attack on the sovereignty of the nations whose land we mean to “reform”? Does the scheme not appear to have been concocted mainly if not solely to establish a precedent which will allow Communists and other Marxists to “reform” land ownership in the United States?
Meanwhile, certain international bodies have not delayed in making their plans for influencing the foreign and also the internal policies of the United States. For instance, at the World Jewish Conference which met in Geneva, Switzerland, on September 10, 1951, “far and away the most important matter” was said to be an opposition to “the resurgence of Germany as a leading independent power” (New York Times, September 10, 1951). The special dispatch to the New York Times continues as follows:
We are strongly and firmly opposed to the early emancipation of Germany from Allied control and to German rearmament,” Dr. Maurice Perlzweig of New York, who represents Western Hemisphere Jewish communities, said today.
Leaders expect to formulate and send to the Foreign Ministers of Western Powers the specific views of the world Jewish community on the German question.
The above quotation shows an international effort to shape foreign policy. At the same “congress,” attention was also given to exerting influence within America: …Dr. Goldman said non-Zionists must learn to contribute to some Zionist programs with which they did not agree.
“Non –Zionists should not be unhappy if some money is used for Halutziuth [pioneering] training in the United States,” he told a press conference. Zionists would be unable to accept any demand that no such training be undertaken, he added.
How would outside power force its will upon the United States? The day-by-day method is to exert economic pressure and to propagandizing the people by the control of the media which shape public opinion (Chapter V, above). At least one other way, however, has actually been rehearsed. Full details are given by John Jay Daly in an article “U. N. Seizes, Rules American Cities” in the magazine, National Republic (September, 1951). As described by Mr. Daly, troops, flying the United Nations flag – a blue rectangle similar to the blue rectangle of the State of “Israel” – took over Culver City, Huntington Park, Inglewood, Hawthorne, and Compton, California. The military “specialists” took over the government in a surprise move, “throwing the mayor of the city in jail and locking up the chief of police…and the chief of the fire department…the citizens, by a proclamation posted on the front of City Hall, were warned that the area had been taken over by the armed forces of the United Nations.” If inclined to the view that this United Nations operation – even though performed by U. S. troops – is without significance, the reader should recall the United States has only one-sixtieth of the voting power in the Assembly of the United Nations.
The present location of the UN headquarters not only within the United States but in our most alien-infested great city would make easy any outside interference intended to break down local sovereignty in this country – especially if large numbers of troops of native stock are overseas and if our own “specialists” contingents in the UN force should be composed of newcomers to the country. Such troops might conceivably be selected in quantity under future UN rule that its troops should speak more than one language. Such a rule, which on its face might appear reasonable, would limit American troops operating for the UN almost exclusively to those who are foreign-born or sons of foreign-born parents. This is true because few soldiers of old American stock speak any foreign languages, whereas refugees and other immigrants and their immediate descendants usually speak two – English, at least of a sort, and the language of the area from which they or their parents came.
As has been repeatedly stated on the floors of Congress, the government pamphlet, “Communists Activities Among Aliens and National Groups,” p.A1), the presence of the UN within the United States has the actual – not merely hypothetical –disadvantage of admitting to our borders under diplomatic immunity a continuing stream of new espionage personnel who are able to contact directly the members of their already established networks within the country.
There are other signs that the UN organization is “useless” as John T. Flynn has described in a Liberty network broadcast (November, 1951). The formulation of the North Atlantic Defense Treaty or Security Alliance in 1949 was a virtual admission that the UN was dead as an influence for preventing major aggression. American’s strong-fisted forcing of unwilling nations to vote for admission of “Israel” dealt the UN a blow as effective as Russia’s vetoes. Another problem to give Americans pause is dangerous wording and possibly even more dangerous interpretation of some articles in the UN Covenant. There is even a serious question of a complete destruction of our sovereignty over our own land, not only by interpretations of UN articles by UN officials (see The United Nations – Action for Peace, by Marie and Louis Zocca, p. 56), but by judicial decisions of the leftist-minded courts in this country. Thus in the case of Se Fujii vs. the State of California “Justice Emmet H. Wilson decided that an existing law of a state is unenforceable because of the United Nations Charter” “These Days,” by George Sokolsky, Washington Times-Herald and other papers, March 9, 1951). Lastly, and of great importance, is the consistent UN tendency to let the United States, with one vote in 60, bear not merely the principal burden of the organization but almost all of the burden. Thus in the UN-sponsored operation in Korea, America furnished “over 90% of the dead and injured” (broadcast by Ex-President Herbert Hoover, December 20, 1950) among UN troops, South Koreans being from the figures as South Korea is not a UN member And as the months passed thereafter, the ratio of American causalities continued proportionately high. By the middle of the summer of 1951 more of our men had killed and wounded in Korea than the Revolutionary War, the War of 1812, the Mexican War, and the Spanish-American War, combined! It is thus seen that the United Nations organization has failed miserably in what should be its main function – namely to prevention or stopping war.
In view of the above entries on the loss side of the ledger, what has the United Nations accomplished? A United States representative, Mr. Harding Bancroft, furnished the answer in a spring of 1951 broadcast (NBC, “The United Nations Is My Beat”). The three successes of the Security Council cited by Mr. Bancroft were achieved in Palestine, the Netherlands East Indies, and Kashmir. With what yardstick does Mr. Bancroft measure success? Details cannot be given here, but surely the aggregate of the results in the three areas cited cannot be regarded as successful by anyone sympathetic with either Western Christian Civilization or Moslem civilization.
Patriotic Americans should be warned, finally, against spurious attempts to draw parallels between the United States Constitution and United Nations regulations. The Constitution, with its first ten amendments, was designed specifically to curb the power of the Federal government and to safeguard the rights of states and individuals. On the other hand, the United Nations appears to the goal of destroying many of the sovereign rights of member nations and putting individuals in jeopardy everywhere – particularly in the United States.
In view of all these matters, the American public is entitled to advice on the UN from a new clean leadership in the Department of State. The Augean stables of the UN are so foul that the removal of the filth from the present organization might be too difficult. Perhaps the best move would be to adjourn sine die. Then, like-minded nations on our side, included the Moslem bloc – which a clean state Department would surely treat honorably – might work out an agreement advantageous to the safety and sovereignty of each other. Cleared of the booby traps, barbed wire, poisonous portions, and bad companions of the present organization, the new international body might achieve work of great value on behalf of world peace. In the U. S. delegation to the new organization, we should include Americans only – and no Achesonians or Hissites from the old. In any case the Congress needs and the people deserve a full report on the United Nations from a State Department which they can trust.
(d) Lastly, but very important, the clean-out of our government will give us a powerful propaganda weapon against the masters of the Russian people. We must not forget the iron curtain over America (Chapter V) which has blacked out the truth that Russia (Chapter II) was founded by the Russ, who were men of the West, men from Scandinavia, whence sprang the whole Nordic race, including the great majority of all Western Europeans. Even in Spain and northern Italy the people are largely descended from Gothic ancestors who first passed from Sweden to the Baltic Islands of Gotland (or Gothland, hence their name) and then onward to their conquest and settlement of Southern and Western lands. Consequently, we should never speak in a derogatory manner of Russia or Russians. “Each time we attack ‘Russia or Russians’ when we mean the Bolshevik hierarchy, or speak contemptuously of ‘Asiatic hordes,’ or identify world communism as a ‘Slav menace,’ we are providing grist for the Kremlin mills. Our press and pronouncements are fine-combed in Moscow for quotations” (from “Acheson’s Gift to Stalin,” The Freeman, August 27,1951). Should we or should we not send special messages to the Esthonians, Latvians, and Lithuanians to whose independence President Franklin Roosevelt – in one of his moods – committed himself? Should we or should we not direct special appeals to White Russians and to the Ukrainians? The latter people have plenty of reasons for hating the rulers of Russia; for rebellion in January, 1918, by Jews who did not want to be cut off from the Jews of Moscow and Leningrad was a principal factor in the loss of the Ukraine’s old dream of independence (A History of the Ukraine, Hrushevsky, p. 539 and passim). Decisions on the nature of our propaganda to the people behind the Iron Curtain should be made by patriotic Americans familiar with the current intelligence estimates on the Soviet-held peoples, and not by persons addicted to the ideology of Communism and concerned for minority votes!
We must never forget, moreover, that the Russian people are at heart Christian. They were converted even as they emerged onto the stage of civilized modern statehood, and Christianity is in their tradition – as it is ours.
We must finally not forget that leaders in Russia since 1917 are not patriotic Russians but are a hated coalition of renegade Russians with the remnant of Russia’s old territorial and ideological enemy, the Judaized Khazars, who for centuries refused to be assimilated either with the Russian people or with Western Christian Civilization.
In view of the facts of history, from which this book has torn the curtain of censorship, it is reasonable to assume that the true Russian people are restive and bitter under the yoke and the goading of alien and Iscariot rule. To this almost axiomatic assumption, there is much testimony. In his book The Choice, Boris Shubb states that in Russia “There is no true loyalty to Stalin-Beria-Malenkov in any significant segment of the party, the state, the army, the police, or the people.” In The Freeman (November 13, 1950) Rodney Gilbert says in an article “Plan for Counter-Action”: “Finally, there is a Soviet Russian home front, where we probably have a bigger force on our side than all the Western world could muster.” According to the Catholic World (January, 1941): “The Russian mind being Christian bears no resemblance to the official mind of the Politburo.” Likewise, David Lawrence (U. S. News and World Report, December 25, 1950) says: We must first designate our real enemies. Our real enemies are not the peoples of Soviet Russia or the peoples of the so-called ‘Iron Curtain Countries’.” In Human Events (March 28, 1951), the Readers Digest Editor Eugene Lyons quotes the current Saturday Evening Post headline “Our enemies are the Red Tyrants not their slaves” and with much documentation, as might be expected from one who was six years a foreign correspondent in Soviet Union, reaches the conclusion that “the overwhelming majority of the Soviet peoples hate their rulers and dream of liberation from the Red yolk.” So, finally, General Fellers testifies thus in his pamphlet “Thought War Against the Kremlin” (Henry Regnery Company, Chicago, 25 cents): “Russia, like the small nations under its heel, is in effect an occupied country.” General Fellers recommended that our leaders should not “blame the Russian people for the peace-wrecking tactics of the Kremlin Clique,” but should make it clear that we “share the aspirations of the Russians for freedom.” The general scoffs at the idea that such propaganda is ineffective: “From wartime results we know that effective broadcasts, though heard only by thousands, percolate to the millions. Countries denied freedom of the press and speech tend to become huge whispering galleries; suppressed facts and ideas often carry farther than the official propaganda.”
What an opportunity for all of our propaganda agencies, including the “Voice of America”! And yet there is testimony to the fact that our State Department has steadily refused suggestions that its broadcasts direct propaganda not against the Russian people but against their enslaving leaders. The “Voice,” which is not heard in this country – at least not by the general public – is said to be in large part an unconvincing if not repelling air mosaic of American frivolities presented an introduction to American “culture” – all to no purpose, except perhaps to preëmpt from service to this country a great potential propaganda weapon. The “Voice” appears also to have scant regard for the truth. For instance, a CTPS dispatch from Tokyo on April 13 (Washington Times-Herald, April 14, 1951) reported as follows:
A distorted version of the world reaction to Gen. MacArthur’s removal is being broadcast by the Voice of America, controlled by the State department, a comparison with independent reports showed today.
“Voice” listeners here got an impression of virtually unanimous approval of President Truman’s action.
Sometimes the “Voice” is said actually to state the enslaved Russian people that the United States has no interest in changing “the government or social structure of the Soviet Union.” For carefully documented details, see the feature article, “Voice of America Makes Anti-Red Russians Distrust
U. S.; Serves Soviet Interests” in the Williams Intelligence Summary for June 1951 (P. O. Box 868 Santa Ana, California, 25¢ per copy,$3.00 per year) [Editors note, The Communists within our government worked hard for the continuance of Communism and demonizing of the American principles. You can also see from these prices America’s dollar in the 1950’s was strong and still bought a lot for a little.] Finally, it should be noted that in the summer of 1951, there was a secret testimony to the Senate Committees indicating “that Communist sympathizers have infiltrated the State Department’s Voice of America Programs” (AP dispatch in Richmond Times-Dispatch, July 10, 1951).
This apparently worse than useless “Voice of America” could, under a cleaned-up State Department, become quickly useful and powerful. We could use it to tell the Russian people that we know they were for centuries in the fold of Christian civilization and that we look forward to welcoming them back. We could say to the Russian people that we have nothing against them and have under our laws removed from our government leaders who for self-perpetuation in office or for other causes wanted a big foreign war. We could then invite Russian hearers or the broadcast to give thought to a similar step in their country. Such broadcasting, if it did not actually bring about an overthrow of the present rulers, would almost certainly give them enough concern to prevent their starting war. Such broadcasts also would pave the way to assistance from inside Russia in the tragic event that war should come. Broadcasts of the new type should begin quickly, for the Soviet leaders have a thought censorship, even as we have, and our task will be increasingly difficult an each month sees the death of older people who will know the truth of our broadcasts from personal pre-1917 experience.
(e) The patriotic people of America should not lose hope. They should proceed with boldness, and joy in the outcome, for Right is on our side. Moreover, they are a great majority, and such a majority can make its will prevail any time it ceases to lick the boots of its captors.
One point of encouragement lies in the fact that things are not quite as bad as they were. Most patriotic people feel that their country is in the lowest depths in the early fifties. Conditions were even worse, however, in 1944, and seems worse now only because the pro-American element in the country is prevailing to the extent, at least, of turning on a little light in dark places.
Unquestionably, 1944 was the most dangerous years for America. Our President and civil and military coterie about him were busily tossing our victory to the Soviet Union. In November the dying President was elected by a frank and open coalition of Democratic and Communist parties. The pilgrimage of homage and surrender to Stalin at Yalta (February, 1950) was being prepared. The darkest day was the black thirtieth of December when the Communists were paid off by the termination of regulations which kept them out of the Military Intelligence Service. The United States seemed dying of the world epidemic of Red Fever.
But on January 3, 1945, our country rallied. The new Congress had barely assembled when Mr. Sabath of Illinois moved that the rules of the expiring Seventy-Eighth Congress be rules of the Seventy-Ninth Congress. Thereupon, Congressman John Elliot Rankin, Democrat, of Mississippi, sprang to his feet, and moved as an amendment that the expiring temporary Committee on Un-American Activities be made a permanent Committee of the House of Representatives. Mr. Rankin explained the function of the proposed permanent committee as follows:
The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, (2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propaganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of domestic origin and attacks the principle of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and (3) and all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation.
In support of his amendment to the Rule of the House, Mr. Rankin said: The Dies committee, of the Committee on un-American Activities, was created in 1938. It has done a marvelous work in the face of all the criticism that has been hurled at its chairman and its members. I submit that during these trying times the Committee on un-American Activities has performed a duty second to none ever performed by any committee of this House.
Today, when our boys are fighting to preserve American institutions, I submit it is no time to destroy the records of that committee, it is no time to relax our vigilance. We should carry on in the regular way and keep this committee intact, and above all things, save those records.
Congressman Karl Mundt, Republican, of South Dakota, rose to voice his approval of the Rankin amendment. There was maneuvering against the proposal by Congressman Marcantonio of New York, Congressman Sabath of Illinois, and other congressmen of similar views, but Mr. Rankin, a skillful parliamentarian, forced the vote. By 208 to 186, with 40 not voting, the Rankin amendment was adopted and the Committee on Un-American Activities became a permanent Committee of the House of Representatives (all details and quotations are from Congressional Record, House, January 3, 1945, pages 10-15 –pages which deserve framing in photostat, if the original is not available, for display in every school building and veterans’ clubroom in America).
The American Communists and fellow-travelers were stunned. Apart from violence, however, there was nothing they could do. Moves made as “feelers” showed them they could nowhere with their hoped-for uprising in South America, almost all of whose people were patriotic Americans. Also, except for two widely separated and quickly dwindling incidents, they got nowhere with their plans for a revolt in the army, Despite its success at Yalta, and despite its continued influence with the American Administration, the Soviet moved more cautiously. The Rankin amendment gave the United States of America a chance to survive as a nation under its Constitution. Is it then to be wondered at that Mr. Rankin has been subject to bitter reprisals ever since by the Communists and fellow-travelers and their dupes?
Though the Rankin amendment gave American its chance to live, the recovery has been slow and there have been many relapses. This book The Iron Curtain Over America, has diagnosed our condition in the mid-century and has suggested remedies, the first of which must be cleaning-out of the subversives in the executive departments and agencies in Washington. The degree of infestation by the Communists, and those indifferent to or friendly to Communism, in our bureaucracy in Washington is staggering beyond belief. Details are increasingly available to those who study the publications of the congressional committees concerned with the problem. “Communist Propaganda Activities in the United States,” a report published early in 1952 by the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, deals principally with Communist propaganda carried on with the help of the Department of State and the Department of Justice of the United States! The report (pp. v-ix) climaxes a stinging rebuke of the State Department’s pro-Communist maneuvers with this statement: The policy of the Department of State is in effect an administrative nullification of established law.
One result of the “nullification” of existing law was the dissemination in the United States in 1950 of more than 1,000,000 Communist books, magazines, and other printed documents, 2,275 Soviet films, and 25,080 phonograph records (pp. 24-25). By a special Department of Justice ruling these were dispatched individually “to state institutions, universities or colleges, or to professors or other individuals,” with no statement required on or with any of the parcels that they were sent out for propaganda purposes or had emanated from the Soviet Union or other Communist government! Is this what the American people want? It is what they have been getting in Washington.
Following a removal of top leaders and their personal henchmen, there will be no reason for despair even for the departments of State and Defense. In the Department of State there are many whose records suggest treason, there are also many workers of low and medium rank whose tenacious patriotism has in a number of instances prevented a sell-out of our country. These people will rally to new leadership. The same is true in the Department of Defense. Except for a mere handful, committed to wrong doing to cover their old sins of omission or commission, our generals and admirals, like all other ranks, have the good of their country at heart.
Disciplined by tradition to subordinate themselves to civilian authority, our General Staff officers pursue a hated policy from which there is for them no escape, for on one hand they do not wish to denounce the administration and on the other they see no good end for America in the strategically unsound moves they are ordered to make. Below the appointed ranks, the civilian personnel, both men and women, of such strategic agencies as Military Intelligence are with few exceptions devoted and loyal and competent Americans. With our top state and defense leadership changed, our policy shaped by patriots, our working level Department of Defense staff will be able to furnish a strategically sound program for the defense of this country, which must stand not only for us and our children but as the fortress of Western Christian civilization.
Meanwhile, patriotic state Department personnel face a ghastly dilemma. If they remain, they are likely to be thought of as endorsing the wrong policies of their superiors. If they resign, they are likely to see their positions filled by persons of subversive leanings. Fortunately for America, most of them have decided to stick to their posts and will be there to help their new patriotic superiors, after a clean-up has been effected.
A clean-up I our government will give a new life not only to patriotic Washington officials, civilian and military, but to our higher military and naval officers everywhere. Their new spirit will bring confidence to all ranks and to the American people. Once again, military service will be a privilege and an honor instead of, as at present to most people, a sentence to a period of slavery and possible death for a policy that has never been stated and cannot be stated, for it is at best vote-garnering, bureaucracy-building, control-establishing program of expediency.
A clean-out of our leftist-infected government will also have the great virtue of freeing our people from the haunting nightmare of fear. Fear will vanish with the Communists, the fellow-travelers, and the caterers to their votes. For America is essentially strong. In the words of General MacArthur in Austin:
This great nation of ours was never more powerful… it never had less reason for fear. It was never more able to meet exacting tests of leadership in peace or in war, spiritually, physically, or materially. As it is yet unconquered, so it is unconquerable.
The great general’s words are true, provided we do not destroy ourselves.
Therefore, with their country’s survival at heart, let all true Americans – fearing no political factions and no alien minority or ideology – work along the lines suggested in this book to the great end that all men with Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam connections and all others of doubtful loyalty to our country and to our type of civilization be removed under law from policy-making and all other sensitive positions in our government. In that way only can a start be made toward throwing back the present tightly drawn iron curtain of censorship. In that way only can we avoid the continuing interment of our native boys beneath far-off white crosses, whether by inane blunderings or sinister concealed purposes. In that way only can we save America.
Since The Iron Curtain Over America developed out of many years of study, travel, and intelligence service, followed by a more recent period of intensive research and consultation with experts, the author is indebted in one way or another to hundreds of people.
First of all, there is a lasting obligation to his former teachers — particularly his tutors, instructors, and university professors of languages. The more exacting, and therefore the most gratefully remembered, are Sallie Jones, Leonidas R. Dingus, Oliver Holben, James S. McLemore, Thomas Fitz-Hugh, Richard Henry Wilson, C. Alphonso Smith, William Witherle Lawrence, George Philip Krapp, C. Pujadas, Joseph Delcourt, and Mauricae Grammont. Some of these teachers required a knowledge of the history, the resources, the culture, and the ideals of the peoples whose language they were imparting. Their memories are green.
In the second place, the author is deeply obligated to M. Albert Kahn and to the six trustees of the American Albert Kahn Foundation — Edward Dean Adams, Nicholas Murray Butler, Charles D. Walcott, Abbott Lawrence Lowell, Henry Fairfield Osborn, and Henry Smith Pritchett — who chose him as their representative abroad for 1926-27. Without the accolade of these men, and the help of their distinguished Secretary, Dr. Frank D. Fackenthal, The author might not have found the way, a quarter of century later, to The Iron Curtain Over America.
In the third instance, the author owes, of course, a very great debt to the many men and women who were his fellow workers in the extensive field of strategic intelligence, intelligence, and to those persons who came to his office for interview from all parts of the world. This obligation is not, however, for specific details, but for a general background of knowledge which became a guide to subsequent study.
To friends and helpers in several other categories, the author expresses here his deep obligation. A score or more of senators and congressmen gave him information, furthered his research, sent him needed government documents or photostats when originals were not available, introduced him to valuable contacts and otherwise rendered very important assistance, Certain friends who are university professors, eminent lawyers, and political analysts, have read and criticized constructively all or a part of the manuscript. The staffs of a number of libraries have helped, but the author has leant most heavily upon the Library of Congress, the Library of the University of Virginia, and above all the Library of Southern Methodist University, where assistance was always willing, speedy, and competent.
Finally, four secretaries have been most patient and accurate in copying and recopying thousands of pages bristling with proper names, titles of books and articles, quotations, and dates.
For a special reason, however, the author will call the name of no one who has helped him since 1927. “Smears” and reprisals upon eminent persons become well known, but for one such notable victim, a thousand others in the government, in universities, and even private citizenship, suffer indignities from arrogant minority wielders of power of censorship and from their hirelings and dupes. Reluctantly, then no personal thanks are here expressed. The author’s friends know well his appreciation of their help, and will understand.
To all the works cited and to all the authorities quoted in The Iron Curtain Over America, the author owes a debt which he gratefully acknowledges. For the use of copyrighted excerpts over a few lines in length, he has received the specific permission of the authors and publishers, and takes pleasure in extending thanks to the following: The American Legion Magazine and National Commander (1950-1951) Earle Cocke, Jr.; Professor Harry Elmer Barnes; Mr. Bruce Barton and King Features Syndicate; The Christophers; the Clover Business Letter; Duell, Sloan, and Pearce, Inc.; The Freeman; The Embassy of Lebanon; Human Events; The New York Times; The Tablet; The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia Company, Inc.; The Washington Daily News; and the Washington Times-Herald. Further details including the titles and names of the authors are given on the appropriate pages, in order that those interested may know how to locate the cited work, whether for purchase or perusal in a library.
Two newspapers and two magazines deserve especial thanks. Because of a full coverage of news and the verbatim reprinting of official documents, the current issues and the thoroughly indexed bound or on microfilmed back numbers of the New York Times were essential in the preparation of The Iron Curtain Over America. The Washington Times-Herald was obligatory reading, too, because of its coverage of the Washington scene, as well as the international scene, with fearless uncensored reporting.
After careful checking for accuracy and viewpoint, both the American Legion Magazine and Foreign Service, the magazine of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, have published feature articles by the author in the general field of the United States-Soviet relations. Dedicated as it is to those veterans who gave their lives. The Iron Curtain Over America may be considered as a token of gratitude to our two great organizations of veterans for personal introductions to their five million patriotic readers.
To one and all, then — to publishers, to periodical, and to people who have helped – to the dead as well as to the living – to the few who have been named and to the many who must remain anonymous – and finally to his readers, most of whom he will never know except in the spiritual kinship of a great shared mission of spreading the Truth, the author says thank you, from the bottom of his heart!
List of Americans in the Venona papers
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Originally declassified by Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Chairman of the bipartisan Commission on Government Secrecy, the Venona project and its associated documentation, contains codenames of several hundred individuals said to be involved on differing levels with the KGB and the GRU. Many of the codenames have been identified by the FBI, CIA, NSA and other academics and historians by using a combination of circumstantial evidence, corroborating testimony from Eastern Bloc defectors, direct surveillance, informants and a number of other means. Many academics and historians believe that most of the following individuals were either clandestine assets and/or contacts of the KGB, GRU and Soviet Naval GRU..
The following list of individuals is extracted in part from the work of John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr; as well as others listed in the references below.
To what extent any given individual named below was clandestinely involved with Soviet intelligence is a topic of dispute, with a few scholars, most notably Victor Navasky, skeptical of attempts to identify individuals from codenames found in Venona.
Twenty-four persons targeted for recruitment remain uncorroborated as to it being accomplished. These individuals are marked with an asterisk (*).
John Abt United States Department of Agriculture; Works Progress Administration; Civil Liberties Subcommittee, Senate Committee on Education and Labor; special assistant to the United States Attorney General, United States Department of Justice
Solomon Adler, United States Department of the Treasury, supplied info to Silvermaster group, went to China after communist revolution and joined government of Mao Zedong
Thomas Babin, Yugoslavia Section Office of Strategic Services
Marion Bachrach, (*) congressional office manager of Congressman John Bernard of the Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party
Joel Barr, United States Army Signal Corps Laboratories
Alice Barrows, United States Office of Education
Theodore Bayer, President, Russky Golos Publishing
George Beiser, National Research Establishment, Research and Development Board; engineer Bell Aircraft
Aleksandr Belenky, General Electric
Cedric Belfrage, journalist; British Security Coordination
Elizabeth Bentley, companion of Jacob Golos of Sound/Myrna group; turned herself in to FBI in 1945 leading to unraveling of many Soviet spy rings
Marion Davis Berdecio, Office of Naval Intelligence; Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs; United States Department of State
Josef Berger, (*) Democratic National Committee
Joseph Milton Bernstein, Board of Economic Warfare
Walter Sol Bernstein, Hollywood Screenwriter, listed on the MPAA’s Hollywood blacklist
T.A. Bisson, Board of Economic Warfare
Thomas Lessing Black, Bureau of Standards United States Department of Commerce
Samuel Bloomfield, (*) Eastern European Division, Research and Analysis Division, Office of Strategic Services
Ralph Bowen, (*) United States Department of State
Abraham Brothman, chemist convicted for his role in the Rosenberg ring
Earl Browder, General Secretary of the Communist Party of the United States
Michael Burd, Head of Midland Export Corporation
Paul Burns, employee of TASS
Norman Bursler, United States Department of Justice Anti-Trust Division
James Michael Callahan
Frank Coe, Assistant Director, Division of Monetary Research, United States Department of the Treasury; Special Assistant to the United States Ambassador in London; Assistant to the Executive Director, Board of Economic Warfare; Assistant Administrator, Foreign Economic Administration, went to China and joined government of Mao Zedong
Lona Cohen, sentenced to 20 years; subject of Hugh Whitemore’s drama for stage and TV Pack of Lies
Morris Cohen (Soviet spy) sentenced to 25 years; subject of Hugh Whitemore’s drama for stage and TV Pack of Lies
Eugene Franklin Coleman, RCA electrical engineer
Anna Colloms, New York City schoolteacher
Judith Coplon, Foreign Agents Registration section, United States Department of Justice; her convictions for espionage were overturned on technicalities
Lauchlin Currie, Administrative Assistant to President Roosevelt; Deputy Administrator of Foreign Economic Administration; Special Representative to China
Byron Darling, United States Rubber Company; United States Office of Scientific Research & Development
Eugene Dennis, General Secretary Communist Party USA sentenced to 5 years for advocating overthrow of U.S. government
Samuel Dickstein, United States Congressman from New York known to be paid by Soviets; New York State Supreme Court Justice; Vice Chair of HUAC during hearings into the Business Plot against FDR
Martha Dodd, daughter of United States Ambassador to Germany William Dodd, Popular Front
William Dodd Jr., son of William Dodd, United States Ambassador to Germany; Democratic Congressional candidate
Laurence Duggan, head of United States Department of State Division of American Republics
Demetrius Dvoichenko-Markov, U.S. Army
Frank Dziedzik, National Oil Products Company
Nathan Einhorn, Executive Secretary of American Newspaper Guild
Max Elitcher, (*) Naval Ordinance Section, National Bureau of Standards
Jacob Epstein, International Brigades
Jack Fahy, Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs; Board of Economic Warfare; United States Department of the Interior
Linn Markley Farish, Liaison Officer with Tito’s Yugoslav Partisan forces, Office of Strategic Services
Edward Fitzgerald, War Production Board
Charles Flato, Board of Economic Warfare; Civil Liberties Subcommittee, Senate Committee on Education and Labor
Jane Foster, Board of Economic Warfare; Office of Strategic Services; Netherlands Study Unit
Boleslaw Gebert, National Officer of Polonia Society of International Workers Order
Harrison George, senior CPUSA leadership, editor of People’s World
Harold Glasser, Director, Division of Monetary Research, United States Department of the Treasury; United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration; War Production Board; Advisor on North African Affairs Committee; United States Treasury Representative to the Allied High Commission in Italy
Bela Gold, Assistant Head of Program Surveys, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, United States Department of Agriculture; Senate Subcommittee on War Mobilization; Office of Economic Programs in Foreign Economic Administration
Harry Gold, sentenced to 30 years for his role in the Rosenbergs ring
Sonia Steinman Gold, Division of Monetary Research United States Department of Treasury Department; United States House of Representatives Select Committee on Interstate Migration; United States Bureau of Employment Security
Elliot Goldberg, engineer for an oil equipment company in New York
Jacob Golos, “main pillar” of NKVD spy network, particularly the Sound/Myrna group, he died in the arms of Elizabeth Bentley
Gerald Graze, United States Department of State
David Greenglass, machinist at Los Alamos sentenced to 15 years for his role in Rosenberg ring; he was the brother of executed Ethel Rosenberg
Ruth Greenglass, avoided prosecution thanks to her husband’s testimony against his sister that he later admitted was perjured
Joseph Gregg, Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs; United States Department of State
Theodore Hall, physicist at Los Alamos during the Manhattan Project, volunteered to spy for Soviets, never prosecuted
Maurice Halperin, Chief of Latin American Division, Research and Analysis Section, Office of Strategic Services; United States Department of State
Kitty Harris, globe-trotting companion of communist party boss Earl Browder
William Henwood, Standard Oil of California
Clarence Hiskey, University of Chicago Metallurgical Laboratory, Manhattan Project
Alger Hiss, Director of the Office of Special Political Affairs United States Department of State, sentenced to 5 years for perjury
Donald Hiss, United States Department of State; United States Department of Labor; United States Department of the Interior
Harry Hopkins, advisor to President Franklin D. Roosevelt
Louis Horvitz, International Brigades
Rosa Isaak, Executive Secretary of the American-Russian Institute
Herman R. Jacobson, Avery Manufacturing Company
Bella Joseph, motion picture division of Office of Strategic Services
Emma Harriet Joseph, (*) Office of Strategic Services
Julius Joseph, National Resources Planning Board; Federal Security Agency; Social Security Board; Office for Emergency Management; Labor War Manpower Commission; Deputy Chief, Far Eastern section (Japanese Intelligence) Office of Strategic Services
David Karr, Office of War Information; chief aide to journalist Drew Pearson
Helen Grace Scott Keenan, Office of the Co-ordinator of Inter-American Affairs; Office of United States Chief Counsel for Prosecution of Axis War Criminals, Office of Strategic Services
Mary Jane Keeney, Board of Economic Warfare; Allied Staff on Reparations; United Nations
Philip Keeney, Office of the Coordinator of Information (later OSS)
Alexander Koral, former engineer of the municipality of New York
Samuel Krafsur, journalist TASS
Charles Kramer, Senate Subcommittee on War Mobilization; Office of Price Administration; National Labor Relations Board; Senate Subcommittee on Wartime Health and Education; Agricultural Adjustment Administration; United States Senate Civil Liberties Subcommittee, Senate Committee on Education and Labor; Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee; Democratic National Committee
Christina Krotkova, Office of War Information
Sergey Nikolaevich Kurnakov
Stephen Laird, Hollywood Producer; Time Magazine Reporter; Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS) correspondent
Rudy Lambert, California Communist party labor director and head of security
Trude Lash, United Nations Human Rights Committee
Richard Lauterbach, Time Magazine
Duncan Lee, counsel to General William Donovan, head of Office of Strategic Services
Michael Leshing, superintendent of Twentieth Century Fox film laboratories
Leo Levanas, Shell Oil Company
Harry Magdoff, Chief of the Control Records Section of War Production Board and Office of Emergency Management; Bureau of Research and Statistics, WTB; Tools Division, War Production Board; Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, United States Department of Commerce; Statistics Division Works Progress Administration
William Malisoff, owner of United Laboratories of New York
Hede Massing, journalist
James Walter Miller, United States Post Office, Office of Censorship
Robert Miller, Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs; Near Eastern Division United States Department of State
Robert Minor, Office of Strategic Services
Leonard Mins, Russian Section of the Research and Analysis Division of the Office of Strategic Services
Vladimir Morkovin, Office of Naval Research
Boris Moros, Hollywood Producer
Nicola Napoli, president of Artkino, distributor of Soviet films
Franz Leopold Neumann, consultant at Board of Economic Warfare; Deputy Chief of the Central European Section of Office of Strategic Services; First Chief of Research of the Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunal
Frank Oppenheimer, (*) physicist
Nicholas W. Orloff
Nadia Morris Osipovich
William Perl, National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics (NACA) at Langley Army Air Base; Lewis Flight Propulsion Laboratory; sentenced to 5 years for his role in the Rosenberg ring of atomic spies
Victor Perlo, chief of the Aviation Section of the War Production Board; Head of Branch in Research Section, Office of Price Administration Department of Commerce; Division of Monetary Research Department of Treasury; Brookings Institution
Aleksandr N. Petroff, Curtiss-Wright Aircraft
William Pinsly, Curtiss-Wright Aircraft, Cornell Aeronautical Laboratory
William Plourde, engineer with Bell Aircraft
Vladimir Pozner, head Russian Division photographic section United States War Department
Lee Pressman Department of Agriculture; Works Progress Administration; General Counsel Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO)
Mary Price, stenographer for Walter Lippmann of the New York Herald
Esther Trebach Rand, United Palestine Appeal
Bernard Redmont, head of the Foreign News Bureau Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs
Peter Rhodes, Foreign Broadcasting Monitoring Service, Allied Military Headquarters London; Chief of the Atlantic News Service, Office of War Information
Kenneth Richardson, World Wide Electronics
Ruth Rivkin, United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration
Samuel Rodman, United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration
Allan Rosenberg, Board of Economic Warfare; Chief of the Economic Institution Staff, Foreign Economic Administration; Civil Liberties Subcommittee, Senate Committee on Education and Labor; Railroad Retirement Board; Councel to the Secretary of the National Labor Relations Board
Julius Rosenberg, United States Army Signal Corps Laboratories, executed for role in Rosenberg ring
Ethel Rosenberg, executed for role in Rosenberg ring based on perjured testimony of her brother David Greenglass
Amadeo Sabattini, International Brigades
Alfred Sarant, United States Army Signal Corps laboratories
Saville Sax, Young Communist League, friend of Los Alamos spy Theodore Hall
Marion Schultz, chair of the United Russian Committee for Aid to the Native Country
John Scott, Office of Strategic Services
Ricardo Setaro, journalist/writer Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS)
Charles Bradford Sheppard, Hazeltine Electronics
George Silverman, Director of the Bureau of Research and Information Services, US Railroad Retirement Board; Economic Adviser and Chief of Analysis and Plans, Assistant Chief of Air Staff, Material and Services, War Department
Greg Silvermaster, Chief Planning Technician, Procurement Division, United States Department of the Treasury; Chief Economist, War Assets Administration; Director of the Labor Division, Farm Security Administration; Board of Economic Warfare; Reconstruction Finance Corporation Department of Commerce
Morton Sobell, General Electric, sentenced to 30 years at Alcatraz for his role in the Rosenberg ring
Jack Soble, brother of Robert Soblen, sentenced to 7 years for his role in the Mocase ring
Robert Soblen, psychiatrist, sentenced to life for espionage at Sandia Lab, escaped to IsraeI, committed suicide
Johannes Steele, journalist and radio commentator
Alfred Kaufman Stern, Popular Front
I. F. Stone, (*) journalist for The Nation
Anna Louise Strong, journalist for The Atlantic Monthly, Harper’s, The Nation and Asia
Helen Tenney, Office of Strategic Services
Mikhail Tkach, editor of the Ukrainian Daily News
Lud Ullman, delegate to United Nations Charter meeting and Bretton Woods conference; Division of Monetary Research, Department of Treasury; Material and Services Division, Air Corps Headquarters, Pentagon
Irving Charles Velson, Brooklyn Navy Yard; American Labor Party candidate for New York State Senate
George Vuchinich, 2nt. United States Army assigned to Office of Strategic Services
Donald Wheeler, Office of Strategic Services Research and Analysis division
Enos Wicher, Wave Propagation Research, Division of War Research, Columbia University
Harry Dexter White, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury
Ruth Beverly Wilson
Ilya Wolston, United States Army military intelligence
Flora Wovschin, Office of War Information; United States Department of State
Jones Orin York
Daniel Zaret, United States Army Explosives Division
National Security Agency, Venona Archives, Introductory History of VENONA and Guide to the Translations by Robert L. Benson, 1995.
^ “Secrecy : The American Experience”. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Yale University Press; December 1, 1999.
^ a b “Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America, Appendix A”. John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999. ISBN 0-300-08462-5
^ “The Venona story”. Robert L Benson, National Security Agency Center for Cryptologic History; January 1, 2001.
^ “How VENONA was Declassified”. Robert L. Benson, Symposium of Cryptologic History; October 27, 2005.
^ “Tangled Treason”. Sam Tanenhaus, The New Republic; 1999.
 External links
National Security Agency Archives Cryptographic Museum, Custodian of Documents for the Army Signals Intelligence Agency
Selected Venona Messages
Venona FBI FOIA Files
FBI Memo “Explanation and History of Venona Project Informantion” (1 February 1956)
MI5 Releases to the National Archives
John Earl Haynes, Harvey Klehr, Venona; Decoding Soviet Espionage in America, Yale University Press, 1999. Despite the title, this is less about Venona itself than about Communist Party USA espionage and support of espionage. It is based on research in the CPUSA archives made available to the authors in Moscow. See Yale University Press Web site information on the book
Stalin-Era Research and Archives Project
Russian State Archive (RGASPI)
THE SHIT HAS ALL PILED UP AGAIN- MORE THAN EVER BEFORE!
To date (Sep, 2004), I have heard of no refuting of this article (recorded & transcribed in 1976) by Jewish activists, apologists, or so-called watchdog groups. What follows below is the transcript of the July, 1976 interview, preceded by an introduction from Charles A. Weisman, circa June, 1992. Hold on to your seats!
The Harold Wallace Rosenthal Interview 1976
The Hidden Tyranny
LINK IN COMMENT SECTION…..