Senior chaplain in Helmand province: ‘We kill to defeat evil’
The senior padre of Task Force Helmand, 11 Light Brigade, has said British soldiers in Afghanistan should be prepared to die in a ‘fight against the evil of fundamentalism’.
Padre Mark Christian said killing ‘to defeat evil’ was ‘morally permissible’. He leads today’s Remembrance Sunday service in Lashkar Gah, where hundreds of soldiers will gather to remember not only the fallen of past wars, but also their own friends, colleagues and brothers who have paid the ultimate sacrifice.
We only see their faces for a few seconds on the news, but they are quickly forgotten amidst the glitz of X-Factor. Parliament hears their names routinely read out each week by the Prime Minister, and their heroism is quickly subsumed to party political point-scoring. But those who live in the warzone face the reality of death every day.
The Padre said: “In a perfect world, the world that God intended for us, we would all live at peace with each other.
“But we don’t live in that world, we live in a fallen world where evil exists and it is the obligation of all good people to confront evil and to defeat it where they can.
“Unfortunately that necessitates us in doing things like killing, which in the abstract is wrong.
“But when you are doing that to defeat a greater evil I think it is morally permissible but it requires our soldiers to have a very, very high degree of understanding of morality.”
Politicians have largely ceased seeing things in terms of good and evil: everything is relative. Cranmer wonders if, just occasionally, our solidiers ask themselves if that which they are fighting to defend is worth dying for. Why die to bring liberty and democracy to Afghanistan, when liberty and democracy are in peril in the United Kingdom?
By confronting the evil abroad, we take our eyes off the evil at home.
Or we simply cease to call it evil, and so it ceases to be.
posted by Archbishop Cranmer at 7:55 AM Permalink 3 comments
Saturday, November 07, 2009
European Court bans classroom crucifixes
Cranmer has received quite a few emails asking why he has not commented upon this story. The short answer is that His Grace is not a news service: he comments upon whatever he wants to whenever he wishes.
And there really is not much to add to this, this or this.
God forbid that schoolchildren might ever again have such an oppressive and disturbing art project as this imposed upon them.
Essentially, it is a further clash to establish one’s ranking in the emerging EU hierarchy of rights; a further battle in the interminable internecine war in the quest for supremacy. So far throughout the EU, ‘Muslim rights’ and ‘Gay rights’ are pretty much neck and neck, and this latest spat is just the Atheists putting down a marker for their own rights. Since each group has mutually-exclusive objectives, the only way to keep them from mutually-assured destruction is to unite them against a common enemy – the Christians. And so, in its infinite enlightened wisdom, the European Court of Human Rights has ruled that crucifixes should not be displayed in state schools.
Of course, this will affect some EU countries more than others, and the wise and learned judges of Strasbourg have chosen Roman Catholic Italy to commence their secularisation programme. Henceforth, it is decreed that crucifixes violate the rights of parents to bring up their children according to their own beliefs: the crucifix is ‘disturbing’ for children who are inter alia Atheist, Muslim, or Gay.
And Cranmer has purposely capitalised the terms, for they have attained a status superior to the Christians, for whom, incidentally, the crucifix is also ‘disturbing’: it is supposed to be. Perhaps the ECHR might permit a classroom picture of an androgynous Jesus-looking man lying upon a wooden bed covered in a snug duvet – no nails. History and culture are of little consequence against the quest to eradicate all offence and diminish that which may ‘disturb’.
It becomes even more alarming when one considers that the Atheist complainant in this case was a woman by the name of Soile Lautsi, a native of Finland who subsequently acquired Italian citizenship. And she has enriched herself and her Atheist children to the tune of 5000 euros for ‘moral damages’, to be paid by the Italian government for subjecting them to a school which had ‘disturbing’ crucifixes in every classroom.
The consequences of the ruling are far-reaching. For surely, if the crucifix is offensive, so is the cross. And if the cross, why not every picture of Jesus or representation of God? And if those, why not every Christmas tree, nativity play or Easter egg? Not only will the ruling potentially force an entire continent to reconsider the use of religious symbols in the public realm, it appears that any ‘foreigner’ may now enter a country as a guest, choose to dwell there as a naturalised alien, and then directly challenge the country’s cultural unity and moral values by forcing change to suit their own beliefs and social mores.
And the supreme arbiter in all cases will be the European Court of Human Rights, which has set its face against Christian history, Christian culture, Christian tradition, Christian belief and Christian expression. As far as the Court is concerned, Europe moved from the language, culture, government and religion of the Graeco-Roman world directly to that of the Enlightenment. A millennium-or-so of Christianity in between may not be mentioned.
The children might find it ‘disturbing’.
Equality under the law is abrogated by shari’a councils
From ‘Very Worried of Richmond Hill:
Islamic shari’a councils are now recognised as arbitration tribunals under the 1996 Arbitration Act, and are part of the Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) procedure available to UK citizens. So far, at least five councils have been recognised as tribunals and moves are afoot to have scores more throughout the country.
The tribunals cover all disputes that come under civil law or family law but exclude criminal matters.
In the case of a civil dispute, the decision of the tribunal is recognised by the UK courts and, if it is a family matter, will be accepted as the basis of a UK court decision and in both cases, if necessary, enforced under UK law.
In the one case, the court is upholding the judgement of the shari’a tribunal; in the other, it is using it as the basis of its own decision and which it is very likely to accept as courts are generally reluctant to overturn a tribunal judgement.
The Arbitration Act simply requires that both parties make a prior agreement to submit their dispute to the tribunal and that the outcome does not break any UK law.
It would do an aggrieved party no good to appeal to a UK court that the shari’a ruling to which he or she had submitted was wrong or that he or she would have been treated differently in a UK court not acting on shari’a principles: unless it could be shown to be unreasonable and outrageously unfair it would be enforced. Thus, Islamic shari’a is propagated by UK law.
We have cause to be worried.
(1) Has anything changed?
Apologists for shari’a claim nothing has changed. A shari’a tribunal decision cannot be enforced if it breaks UK law. This view is out of touch with how things really work and what is going on today.
We have, for example, the Archbishop of Canterbury’s revelation in a BBC interview that the adoption of Islamic shari’a law in the UK is ‘unavoidable’. This gives a disturbing insight into the minds of some of our leaders.
Twisting the law to meet cultural requirements is not unknown. Lord Pearson asked this question in the House of Lords in June: “…. will Her Majesty’s Government take steps to ensure that resident Muslim men will no longer be allowed to commit bigamy by bringing in their second, third and fourth wives and all their children to enjoy the benefits of our welfare state?”
He was not given an answer.
And, most importantly, judges judge: they assess witnesses, weigh up the worth of arguments, and apply social criteria, interpretations and precedents as they believe they fit the facts of a case. There is plenty of scope for keeping to the letter of the law.
Recognition of shari’a tribunals introduces a new breed of judges with a mindset alien to this country and which provides ample evidence of its hostility both to western Christian and Enlightenment secular values.
(2) Unequal treatment of men and women
Under shari’a, men and women are not treated equally. In matters of inheritance, property division, divorce and the custody of children, shari’a law disadvantages women and they are considered inferior as witnesses: a man may easily divorce his wife whereas a woman must argue her case and undergo a lengthy legal process.
A Muslim woman seeking a divorce is subjected to an interview process aimed at keeping her married and she risks financial ruin by the obligation to return her dower.
Shari’a rules on child custody can be rigid and were described by judges in the House of Lords as ‘arbitrary and discriminatory’. In general, child custody reverts to the father at a preset age (seven for boys) no matter the circumstances or the behaviour of the father, and if a woman remarries she loses custody of her children.
If a wife refuses to agree to give the husband access to their children, even in cases of possible child abuse, the divorce is stalled until that issue is resolved.
A Family Court judge may find himself presented with an ‘agreement’ produced at a shari’a tribunal that gives custody of the children to the father which in normal circumstances the court would register and enforce. But how is he to tell if this is a truly mediated agreement or simply the woman’s resigned acquiescence in shari’a law which does not explicitly consider the interests of children?
Women inherit half what a man inherits. And, of course, a Muslim man can have up to four wives.
Under shari’a, a Muslim woman will get a decision from a tribunal far less favourable than she would get from a British court under the Crown.
Shari’a councils are entirely male: there are no female shari’a judges. Nearly a quarter of judges in UK courts are female and in magistrate courts it is half. The Islamic Shari’a Council is listed as a charity and people who seek a divorce pay a fee. For a man, it is £100; for women, it is £250 because (they say) it is more work to process a woman’s application as her word has to be corroborated.
(3) Community pressures and exploitation of ignorance
Muslim women will be under enormous pressure to use shari’a tribunals rather than civil courts. If they don’t use a shari’a tribunal, they run the risk of being ostracised by their family and their community as bad Muslims or even as apostates.
This pressure already exists but giving any shari’a council recognition as a tribunal under the Arbitration Act massively increases it.
Many women may simply be ignorant of their rights, due to language or cultural barriers. Many of those dealt with by shari’a councils are from the most marginalised segments of society with little or no knowledge of their rights under English law.
This will be true of male and female workers, especially the poorly-educated and low-paid, who find themselves unfairly treated by a Muslim business owner, or of tenants in disagreement with a Muslim landlord.
The appearance of ‘officialness’ will give the uneducated and the vulnerable the impression that there is a parallel Muslim system of law in England which is the one that Muslims should use.
This is already being exploited. The home page of the website of the Muslim Arbitration Tribunal (MAT) goes out of its way to look official. It has a photograph of Lord Phillips when he was Lord Chief Justice in his wig and finery. A bold heading declares: ‘Lord Chief Justice endorses ADR (alternative dispute resolution) under Shariah Law’.
Underneath it has a picture of Lord Hunt, a government minister. The website emphasises that MAT rulings are binding under English law.
(4) The importance of civil and family law – what binds people together
Proponents of shari’a tribunals make the point that they are involved only in civil and family matters and are not involved in criminal cases, as if this somehow lessens the impact on society.
Family, marriage, children, inheritance, relations with neighbours, doing business, are the most important matters for most people. Very few of us are touched by the criminal courts, but civil and family matters touch us all.
By recognising shari’a councils as tribunals, the UK authorities are saying it is fine for some British citizens not to exercise certain rights, even if English law and tradition grants them those rights, and to accept deals that are worse than what they would get from other British courts with regular judges.
Rights are established for the good of society as a whole, and they are often achieved only after a long and hard struggle, so why should a particular group of people be allowed to ditch any of those rights against the wider interest of society?
Why should my next-door neighbour live by a different idea of what is ‘fair’ – for example, what is seen as fair in a default position on inheritance or the relative difficulties between men and women in the procuring of a divorce? Surely ‘what is considered fair’ is a universal that binds people together and gives them a sense of identity.
(5) Quick and cheap justice
A vital foundation for any society is a legal system that provides justice quickly at a reasonable cost. The breakdown of the legal system in parts of Pakistan is the underlying cause of the anarchy and strife that prevails there. In the UK, we do not have massive corruption but we seem to be well on the road to a system that is too expensive and takes too long.
It is claimed that an advantage of shari’a tribunals, and a good reason for having them, is that they take on some of the burden of solving disputes and relieve an overburdened courts system (this was the justification given in Canada for a similar proposal to recognise shari’a tribunals in family matters, but it was eventually rejected largely due to the protests of Muslim Canadian women). This theme crops up all the time. Shari’a tribunals are a way of helping people to resolve their differences in their own way without clogging up the higher courts: it is cheaper and quicker. Apparently, shari’a tribunal judges are not paid a fee.
It seems unlikely that the availability of an alternative justice system for Muslims would ease the burden to the degree that cost and efficiency issues are solved for everyone else who only has the regular court system to turn to.
If this is good solution, you might ask why we do not also have a parallel tribunal system for civil and family matters for Christians? Why not tribunal systems for Sikhs, Hindus, Buddhists, and even one for atheists?
But the question we should really ask is why do we not have a system for all citizens that delivers timely justice at an acceptable price?
(6) Criminal matters
Notwithstanding the numerous statements that shari’a tribunals do not cover criminal matters, under the heading ‘Types of Cases that we deal with’, the Muslim Arbitration Tribunal website lists:
Forced Marriages, Domestic Violence, Family Disputes, Forced Marriage (Civil Protection) Act 2007, Commercial and Debt Disputes, Inheritance Disputes, Mosque Disputes
In relation to domestic violence, it says:
“MAT is unable to deal with criminal offences as we do not have jurisdiction to try such matters in the UK.
“However where there are criminal charges such as assault within the context of domestic violence, the parties will be able ask MAT to assist in reaching reconciliation which is observed and approved by MAT as an independent organisation.
“The terms of such a reconciliation can then be passed by MAT on to the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) though (sic) the local Police Domestic Violence Liaison Officers with a view to reconsidering the criminal charges. Note that the final decision to prosecute always remains with the CPS” (emphases added).
So, Muslim domestic violence cases are treated differently from those in the rest of the population!
Just imagine – the vicar can get involved: he can formally tell the police that the suspect is a regular church-goer, he attends every Sunday, and he really regrets what he has done. He has agreed to go on an anger management course and the vicar thinks he deserves a second chance. The policeman, who is also a Christian because it is a Christian area, agrees.
This is precisely what is going on in some Muslim areas. In incidents severe enough to be referred to the police, the Muslim men involved have been directed to take anger management courses, and the women to withdraw their complaints. This has caused considerable disquiet suggesting that the police are turning a blind eye to domestic violence in the name of community cohesion or cultural sensitivity.
(7) Support for barbaric laws and practices
Shari’a is a system of laws and a mindset which approves, inter alia:
(i) Death for apostasy
(ii) Amputation of limbs as punishment
(iii) Stoning to death for adultery
(iv) Belief that a woman’s evidence is worth less than a man’s
(v) Blood money
(vi) Polygamy
Recognition of shari’a in the UK – even of just those sections which do not conflict with UK law – bestows status and respectability to a system which produces these barbaric practices. They are not some distant echo of the past but a fact in many parts of the world today.
Faisal Siddiqi, a Pakistani-born barrister and the founder and chairman of MAT’s governing council, criticised the British media for its obsession with beheadings and other extreme punishments. He said: “They constitute only 10% of shari’a.”
What a relief.
For an insight into current thinking by some Muslims on the matter of death for apostasy, one might consider: Muslim chaplain at Harvard to be toying with idea of executing apostates? And Supreme Court dismisses plea against death sentence for blasphemy.
For current views on stoning for adultery, consider: Indonesia’s Aceh to stone adulterers under Islamic law.
Inayat Bunglawala, the assistant general secretary of the Muslim Council of Britain, says that stoning to death for adultery is acceptable in a country that chooses to have that as the law.
And for an explanation of why the evidence of a woman is worth less than that of a man (you may laugh or cry), see the Islamic Sharia Council.
Conclusion
The Government has allowed and is encouraging the establishment of a parallel legal system for Muslims on matters that affect all of us. It is wrong for the country and wrong for Muslims.
The official recognition of shari’a councils as arbitration tribunals is simply another mechanism by which Muslims are being segregated from the rest of the population: it is a further barrier to integration and reinforces the fragmentation of society. The UK authorities are undermining both the Christian font of jurisprudence and the Enlightenment values by which this has been developed. The British concept of justice has been forged over centuries, sometimes at great cost. It would be ironic if it were to return to primitive expressions of inequity and unfairness.
Please note: Cranmer will not be tolerant of any unjustified or unjustifiable expressions of intolerance towards any group of people. He would like to remind his readers and communicants that there are very many British Muslims indeed who abhor the notion of shari’a in the UK, and who seek to challenge the intolerance of the ascendant and increasingly-pervasive Wahhabi orthodoxy.
posted by Archbishop Cranmer
http://archbishop-cranmer.blogspot.com/
5 responses so far ↓
centurean2 // November 8, 2009 at 9:58 am |
http://archbishop-cranmer.blogspot.com/
Guy Fawkes Night – from the burning of a traitor to Parliament itself
Cranmer would like to wish all of his British readers and communicants a most blessed Guy Fawkes Night, and an exhortation to his non-British (foreign[?], except the colonial) readers and communicants to bear with us while we indulge in this annual eccentricity of which so few now know the origin, meaning or purpose.
If any do not manage to find an effigy of Mr Fawkes to commit to the consuming flame, there is an alternative.
One has to wonder, on the day we commemmorate deliverance from a seditious continental terrorist plot and the treacherous subversion of Rome, that the continental powers have achieved the subjugation of England, her Monarch and her Parliament, and the Treaty of Rome has triumphed. The wheel is come full circle.
posted by Archbishop Cranmer at 1:48 PM Permalink 12 comments
David Cameron: “Essentially, we will let matters rest there”
When the EU has a de jure Constitution which is self-amending, there is no point in a UK Sovereignty Act. When the EU has everything it requires ‘in order to fulfil its objectives’, there is no point offering the British people a referendum on any future treaties. When the EU has as supreme court to whose judgement all UK law is subject, there is no point having a UK supreme court to pretend the contrary.
Sovereignty has already been removed. Insofar as it has been ‘pooled’, subjected to QMV, dissected, disseminated and meted out to our ‘EU partners’, it is invalidated, negated, nullified, destroyed and snuffed out. There is no sovereign Act of Parliament which can take precedence over EU law, for the Lisbon Treaty states quite clearly that EU law is supreme. A UK Sovereignty Bill will be as ineffectual as Margaret Thatcher’s Merchant Shipping Act of 1988. The moment it was placed before the ECJ, it was ruled to be incompatible with the provisions in the Treaty of Rome, contrary to the founding principle of ‘ever closer union’, and Her Majesty’s Government was obliged to set aside what was believed to be a sovereign Act of Parliament because Parliament no longer had the authority to pass such an act.
In a representative liberal democracy, sovereignty resides with the people: it is they and they alone who may determine which of their powers and liberties may be abrogated in perpetuity. And successive generations of politicians have conspired to deprive them of their birthright.
David Cameron has decided that there will be no referendum, and yet he intends to amend the European Communities Act 1972 to legislate for a referendum ‘lock’ on all future attempts by the British government to transfer power to the European Union. ‘Never again’ is to become an election campaign slogan. Bizarrely, he boasts that this protection will be ‘very similar to that which exists in Ireland’. And a fat lot of good it did them. He refers to this provision as a ‘major constitutional development’: it is nothing of the sort. There is no such thing as an Act of Parliament enacted by a Cameron government which cannot be undone by a future parliament, for Parliament may not bind its successors.
The Conservative Party’s via media on ‘Europe’ is neither conservative nor reformist. Significantly, it has profoundly alienated the thinking ‘sceptics’ like Dan Hannan and Roger Helmer (both have resigned their front bench posts), while the European Movement appears to be delighted.
And yet Mr Cameron says he doesn’t want a ‘massive Euro-bust-up’ to distract him from his primary task.
The argument that the next period of government is too important to be ‘distracted’ by the EU is absurd. Is not the Tory revolution in education too important to be distracted by the economy? Is not tending to the economic morass too important to be distracted by education? Is not the reform needed in health provision too important to be distracted by either education or the economy? Is not our commitment in Afghanistan too important to be distracted by education, the economy or health?
The essence of effective government is the ability to juggle a dozen balls at once. But the EU ball has already been dropped. This should come as no surprise, because it is a weighty spheroid of disproportionate significance: it is the ball of balls; the globe of ubiquity; the balloonistic mother ship from which everything else hangs and by which it ascends or falls.
And yet…
What Mr Cameron has outlined is more ‘Eurosceptic’ than has been set out by any Conservative leader who has either held the office of prime minister or been likely to over the past 30 years. It never really mattered what EU policy was under the leaderships of William Hague, Iain Duncan Smith or Michael Howard: deep down, we all knew they were never going to become prime minister. Even Margaret Thatcher never set out such a stall while she led her party and the country, and she has lived to regret it.
Cranmer urges his readers and communicants to consider the details of Mr Cameron’s speech for just one moment, and then ask if it is not worth a five-year benefit of the doubt.
One may set aside certain cosmetics, like the Sovereignty Bill or the establishment of some sort of Constitutional Court. But Mr Cameron’s assertion that he intends to ‘repatriate’ certain competences marks a profound change in direction, and this change is not without immense significance. The subsidiarity principle, enshrined at Maastricht, has never before been invoked by an EU member state, and yet the Conservative Party is now pledged to reverse the Acquis – i.e., to roll back from ‘ever closer union’. There will be a manifesto commitment to opt out from the Social Chapter, the Charter of Fundamental Rights, and all matters relating to criminal justice.
This is sovereignty restored. It is unheard of in the UK’s entire 36-year subjection to EEC/EC/EU rule. It is progress. It will not be easy to attain: indeed, the French have already declared their unequivocal opposition to it. Whether Mr Cameron likes it or not, there will be a ‘massive Euro-bust-up’, and it has already begun.
And there is great encouragement in that, for the beast has been stirred, and the prince of the power of the air offended by the presumption and insubordination of the likely next prime minister of the United Kingdom.
And to all those who are thinking about voting UKIP or the BNP in protest, since neither can win the next general election, you simply risk a further five years of Gordon Brown and his deficient, amoral, anti-Christian Labour government. It is a grotesque contemplation; a perverse political strategy.
Please consider that just as we have been ratcheted in to the superstate, almost imperceptibly, so must we be eased out. The Conservatives (and their Tory forebears) have always preferred measured reform over revolution: change implemented piecemeal rather than by seismic upheaval. Burke argued that no political community is a blank slate upon which one can write whatever one wishes on the basis of the latest theory. In order to move a political community in a different direction one has to take account of what it is, where it is, and, above all, the facts of experience. But move it must, because ‘a state without the means of some change is without the means of its conservation. Without such means it might even risk the loss of that part of the constitution which it wished the most religiously to preserve’.
David Cameron has set out a strategy by which the United Kingdom may re-acquire some means of change, and thereby some means of national conservation. It is worth giving him the benefit of the doubt.
1689 ENGLISH BILL OF RIGHTS- HE DOESN’T NEED ANYTHING ELSE—-WERE HE NOT A TRAITOR!!
EUSSR ILLEGAL END OF!!!
posted by Archbishop Cranmer at 9:21 AM Permalink 44 comments
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RED TORIES!
Comments section some
good replies to the above..
Defeatist or what-keep voting for the Serf system that bring us slavery to corporation’s and the NWO…..FFS….Are we that pathetic?
WESTMINSTER’S CORRUPT CABAL- BUT VOTE FOR IT ANYWAY…………..WELL AH!!
LOL…………….
serf /slavery system..explained at..
http://www.tpuc.org
centurean2 // November 8, 2009 at 10:07 am |
LAWS MUST FIRST BE LEGAL!!
LAWS PASSED ARE NOT!!
They need to force the people to commit Treason against the constitution, for their strategy to succeed, hence a new constitution with absolutely no constraint.
No democracy can function without a Constitution we have seen historically how Lenin, Hitler and Mugabe have destroyed theirs and a Ugandan lorry driver talking on news night said “…it is no good voting for another government they simply change the constitution making a banana republic…” For example this government has had a system of demonising other sovereign nations so they can then go to war thus: Serbia, Kosovo, Iraq, Afghanistan and aiming for Iran because their interest is not the laws that constrain them but globalisation.
In the 1911 Parliament Act (void due to automatic assent)
1911——–EUSSR LAWS CAME AFTER THAT DATE!!
http://tpuc.org/node/62
THE GREAT BETRAYEL OF THE BRITISH PEOPLE- THE FABIAN WAR WITHIN!!!
The Great Betrayal of the British People Part 3 – The Fabian War from within.
The information contained in this article has been researched by … Iran from a conveniently placed air base. The Fabian strategy of globalisation has been on the table for a long time. … made by our ancestors and take the power to declare war when this is an example of their almost insane use of it – in terms of …
Page – John Harris – 28/10/2009 – 12:20 – 1 comment – 0 attachments
More Treason against our Queen – by this Fabian Government
LAYING SIEGE TO THE QUEEN Should Brown leave the Queen alone? Sunday July … acting on behalf of the Queen, sweeping powers to declare war, sign treaties and dissolve Parliament. This week he effectively … during his time as head of the Left-wing think tank the Fabian Society, he said: “The modern role of head of state needs …
Page – John Harris – 28/10/2009 – 12:20 – 17 comments – 0 attachments
The money you pay in Tax is killing people illegally
Edward the 3rd said “I am only here because of the Constitution“ This … are not valid and this is right up to present day. All Fabian prime ministers from that time, who have put through bills, have … death. For without your money, they could not have gone to war in the first place. Is the image on the right hard to look at? …
Page – John Harris – 28/10/2009 – 12:25 – 0 comments – 0 attachments
Lady of 83, student of the British Constitution – stands up against our Treasonous Government
Will We the People support her? Or, as it has become our custom, will we turn our … Parliament the right to decide on whether or not to go to war instead of putting the power under our laws that say we cannot go to war … that the British people are now fighting a ‘war from within.’ ENEMIES The strategy of our enemies is: …
http://tpuc.org/search/node/the+fabian+war+within
THE FASCIST FABIANS ARE A FACT AND IN POWER ACROSS THE WEST!!
centurean2 // November 8, 2009 at 10:09 am |
FABIAN MOTTO—-WHEN WE STRIKE- WE STRIKE HARD
WHY WAIT TO FIND OUT-THATS CRAZY!
centurean2 // November 8, 2009 at 10:25 am |
FABIAN ESSAYS IN SOCIALISM
“For the right moment you must wait, as Fabian did, most patiently, when warring against Hannibal, though many censured his delays, but when the time comes you must strike hard as Fabian did, or your waiting will be in vain and fruitless.”—Fabian Motto.
——————————————————————————–
The Basis of Socialism
Historic
by Sidney Webb
LL.B., Barrister at Law, Lecturer on Political Economy at the City of London College.
WEBB=FABIAN….
http://www.econlib.org/library/YPDBooks/Shaw/shwFS1.html
TO KNOW WHERE WE ARE TODAY—WE MUST VISIT THE PAST………………OR ELSE!!
centurean2 // November 8, 2009 at 11:05 am |
DESTROYING BRITAIN FROM 1884 TO 2009 THE VEHICLE USED- OUR PARLIAMENT AND POLITICAL PARTIES MAINLY LABOUR BUT NOT INCLUSIVELY.
“HOW TO TRAIN FOR PUBLIC LIFE.
“We had to study where we could and how we could. I need not repeat
the story of the Hampstead Historic Club, founded by a handful of us
to read Marx and Proudhon, and afterwards turned into a systematic
history class in which each student took his turn at being professor.
My own experience may be taken as typical. For some years I attended
the Hampstead Historic Club once a fortnight, and spent a night in
the alternate weeks at a private circle of economists which has since
blossomed into the British Economic Association–a circle where the
social question was left out, and the work kept on abstract
scientific lines. I made all my acquaintances think me madder than
usual by the pertinacity with which I attended debating societies and
haunted all sorts of hole-and-corner debates and public meetings and
made speeches at them. I was President of the Local Government Board
at an amateur Parliament where a Fabian ministry had to put its
proposals into black and white in the shape of Parliamentary Bills.
Every Sunday I lectured on some subject which I wanted to teach to
myself; and it was not until I had come to the point of being able to
deliver separate lectures, without notes, on Rent, Interest, Profits,
Wages, Toryism, Liberalism, Socialism, Communism, Anarchism,
Trade-Unionism, Co-operation, Democracy, the Division of Society into
Classes, and the Suitability of Human Nature to Systems of Just
Distribution, that I was able to handle Social-Democracy as it must
be handled before it can be preached in such a way as to present it
to every sort of man from his own particular point of view. In old
lecture lists of the Society you will find my name down for twelve
different lectures or so. Nowadays I have only one, for which the
secretary is good enough to invent four or five different names.
Sometimes I am asked for one of the old ones, to my great dismay, as
I forget all about them; but I get out of the difficulty by
delivering the new one under the old name, which does as well. I do
not hesitate to say that all our best lecturers have two or three old
lectures at the back of every single point in their best new
speeches; and this means that they have spent a certain number of
years plodding away at footling little meetings and dull discussions,
doggedly placing these before all private engagements, however
tempting. A man’s Socialistic acquisitiveness must be keen enough to
make him actually prefer spending two or three nights a week in
speaking and debating, or in picking up social information even in
the most dingy and scrappy way, to going to the theatre, or dancing
or drinking, or even sweethearting, if he is to become a really
competent propagandist–unless, of course, his daily work is of such
a nature as to be in itself a training for political life; and that,
we know, is the case with very few of us indeed. It is at such
lecturing and debating work, and on squalid little committees and
ridiculous little delegations to conferences of the three tailors of
Tooley Street, with perhaps a deputation to the Mayor thrown in once
in a blue moon or so, that the ordinary Fabian workman or clerk must
qualify for his future seat on the Town Council, the School Board,
or perhaps in the Cabinet. It was in that way that Bradlaugh, for
instance, graduated from being a boy evangelist to being one of the
most formidable debaters in the House of Commons. And the only
opponents who have ever held their own against the Fabians in debate
have been men like Mr. Levy or Mr. Foote, who learnt in the same
school.”
But lecturing was not the only activity of the Fabians. There were at
that time local Groups, each comprising one or a dozen constituencies in
London and its suburbs. The Groups in a corporate capacity did little:
but the members are reported as taking part in local elections, County
Council, School Board, and Vestry, in the meetings of the London Liberal
and Radical Union, the National Liberal Federation, the Metropolitan
Radical Federation, the Women’s Liberal Federation, and so on. This was
the year of the first London County Council Election, when the
Progressive Party, as it was subsequently named, won an unexpected
victory, which proved to be both lasting and momentous for the future of
the Metropolis. The only overt part taken by the Fabian Society was its
“Questions for Candidates,” printed and widely circulated before the
election, which gave definiteness and point to the vague ideas of
Progressivism then in the air. A large majority of the successful
candidates had concurred with this programme. A pamphlet by Sidney Webb,
entitled “Wanted a Programme,” not published but printed privately, was
widely circulated in time for the meeting of the National Liberal
Federation at Birmingham, and another by the same author, “The Progress
of Socialism,” stated to be published by “the Hampstead Society for the
Study of Socialism,” is reported as in its second edition. This pamphlet
was later republished by the Fabian Society as Tract No. 15, “English
Progress Towards Social Democracy.”
Mrs. Besant and the Rev. Stewart Headlam, standing as Progressives,
were elected to the School Board in November, 1888, when Hubert Bland
was an unsuccessful candidate.
Finally it may be mentioned that a Universities Committee, with Frank
Podmore as Secretary for Oxford and G.W. Johnson for Cambridge, had
begun the “permeation” of the Universities, which has always been an
important part of the propaganda of the Society.
At the Annual Meeting in April, 1889, the Essayists were re-elected as
the Executive Committee and Sydney Olivier as Honorary Secretary, but he
only retained the post till the end of the year. I returned to London in
October, was promptly invited to resume the work, and took it over in
January, 1890.
In July another important tract was approved for publication. “Facts for
Londoners,” No. 8 in the series, 55 pages of packed statistics sold for
6d., was the largest publication the Society had yet attempted. It is,
as its sub-title states: “an exhaustive collection of statistical and
other facts relating to the Metropolis, with suggestions for reform on
Socialist principles.” The latter were in no sense concealed: the
Society still waved the red flag in season and out. “The Socialist
Programme of immediately practicable reforms for London cannot be wholly
dissociated from the corresponding Programme for the kingdom.” This is
the opening sentence, and it is followed by a page of explanation of the
oppression of the workers by the private appropriation of rent and
interest, and an outline of the proposed reforms, graduated and
differentiated income tax, increased death duties, extension of the
Factory Acts, reform of the Poor Law, payment of all public
representatives, adult suffrage, and several others.
Then the tract settles down to business. London with its County Council
only a few months old was at length waking to self-consciousness: Mr.
Charles Booth’s “Life and Labour in East London”–subsequently issued as
the first part of his monumental work–had just been published; it was
the subject of a Fabian lecture by Sidney Webb on May 17th; and interest
in the political, economic, and social institutions of the city was
general. The statistical facts were at that time practically unknown.
They had to be dug out, one by one, from obscure and often unpublished
sources, and the work thus done by the Fabian Society led up in later
years to the admirable and far more voluminous statistical publications
of the London County Council.
The tract deals with area and population; with rating, land values, and
housing, with water, trams, and docks, all at that time in the hands of
private companies, with gas, markets, City Companies, libraries,
public-houses, cemeteries; and with the local government of London, Poor
Law Guardians and the poor, the School Board and the schools, the
Vestries, District Boards, the County Council, and the City Corporation.
It was the raw material of Municipal Socialism, and from this time forth
the Society recognised that the municipalisation of monopolies was a
genuine part of the Socialist programme, that the transfer from private
exploiters to public management at the start, and ultimately by the
amortisation of the loans to public ownership, actually was _pro tanto_
the transfer from private to public ownership of land and capital, as
demanded by Socialists.
Here, in passing, we may remark that there is a legend, current chiefly
in the United States, that the wide extension of municipal ownership in
Great Britain is due to the advocacy of the Fabian Society. This is very
far from the truth. The great provincial municipalities took over the
management of their water and gas because they found municipal control
alike convenient, beneficial to the citizens, and financially
profitable: Birmingham in the seventies was the Mecca of
Municipalisation, and in 1882 the Electric Lighting Act passed by Mr.
Joseph Chamberlain was so careful of the interests of the public, so
strict in the limitations it put upon the possible profits to the
investor, that electric lighting was blocked in England for some years,
and the Act had to be modified in order that capital might be
attracted.[22]
What the Fabian Society did was to point out that Socialism did not
necessarily mean the control of all industry by a centralised State;
that to introduce Socialism did not necessarily require a revolution
because much of it could be brought about piecemeal by the votes of the
local electors. And secondly the Society complained that London was
singularly backward in municipal management: that the wealthiest city in
the world was handed over to the control of exploiters, who made profits
from its gas, its water, its docks, and its tramways, whilst elsewhere
these monopolies were owned and worked by public authorities who
obtained all the advantages for the people of the localities concerned.
Moreover, it may be questioned whether the Fabian advocacy of
municipalisation hastened or retarded that process in London. In
provincial towns municipalisation–the word of course was unknown–had
been regarded as of no social or political significance. It was a
business matter, a local affair, a question of convenience. In London,
partly owing to Fabian advocacy and partly because London had at last a
single representative authority with a recognised party system, it
became the battle ground of the parties: the claim of the Socialists
awakened the Individualists to opposition: and the tramways of London
were held as a trench in the world-wide conflict between Socialism and
its enemies, whose capture was hailed as an omen of progress by one
side, and by the other deplored as the presage of defeat.
“Facts for Londoners” was the work of Sidney Webb, but there is nothing
in the tract to indicate this. The publications of the Society were
collective works, in that every member was expected to assist in them by
criticism and suggestion. Although several of the tracts were lectures
or papers written by members for other purposes, and are so described,
it was not until the issue in November, 1892, of Tract 42, “Christian
Socialism,” by the Rev. S.D. Headlam, that the author’s name is printed
on the title page. The reason for the innovation is obvious: this tract
was written by a Churchman for Christians, and whilst the Society as a
whole approved the conclusions, the premises commended themselves to but
a few. It was therefore necessary that the responsibility of the author
should be made clear.
The autumn of 1889 is memorable for the great strike of the London
Dockers, which broke out on August 14th, was led by John Burns, and was
settled mainly by Cardinal Manning on September 14th. The Fabian Society
held no meeting between July 19th and September 20th, and there is
nothing in the minutes or the Annual Report to show that the Society as
such took any part in the historic conflict. But many of the members as
individuals lent their aid to the Dockers in their great struggle, which
once for all put an end to the belief that hopeless disorganisation is a
necessary characteristic of unskilled labour.[23]
Arising out of the Dock Strike, the special demand of the Socialist
section of trade unionists for the next four or five years was a legal
eight hours day, and the Fabian Society now for the first time
recognised that it could render substantial assistance to the labour
movement by putting into a practicable shape any reform which was the
current demand of the day.
At the members’ meeting on September 20 a committee was appointed to
prepare an Eight Hours Bill for introduction into Parliament, and in
November this was published as Tract No. 9. It consists of a Bill for
Parliament, drawn up in proper form, with explanatory notes. It provided
that eight hours should be the maximum working day for Government
servants, for railway men, and for miners, and that other trades should
be brought in when a Secretary of State was satisfied that a majority of
the workers desired it. The tract had a large sale–20,000 had been
printed in six months–and it was specially useful because, in fact, it
showed the inherent difficulty of any scheme for universal limitation of
the hours of labour.
The Eight Hours Day agitation attained larger proportions than any other
working-class agitation in England since the middle of the nineteenth
century. For a number of years it was the subject of great annual
demonstrations in Hyde Park. It commended itself both to the practical
trade unionists, who had always aimed at a reduction in the hours of
labour, and to the theoretical socialists, who held that the exploiter’s
profits came from the final hours of the day’s work. The Fabian plan of
“Trade Option” was regarded as too moderate, and demands were made for a
“Trade Exemption” Bill, that is, a Bill enacting a universal Eight Hours
Day, with power to any trade to vote its own exclusion. But the more
the subject was discussed, the more obvious the difficulties became,
and at last it was recognised that each trade must be dealt with
separately. Considerable reductions of hours were meantime effected in
particular industries; an eight-hour day became the rule in the
Government factories and dockyards; the Board of Trade was empowered to
insist on the reduction of unduly long hours of duty on railways;
finally in 1908 the Miners’ Eight Hours Act became law; and the demand
for any general Bill faded away.
The autumn meetings were occupied by a course of lectures at Willis’s
Rooms on “A Century of Social Movements,” by Frank Podmore, William
Clarke, Graham Wallas, Hubert Bland, and Mrs. Besant, and with the
beginning of the year 1890 we come to the publication of “Fabian
Essays,” and a new chapter in the History of the Society.
FOOTNOTES:
[16] On this passage Shaw has written the following criticism, which I
have not adopted because on the whole I do not agree with it: “I think
this is wrong, because the Fabians were at first as bellicose as the
others, and Marx had been under no delusion as to the Commune and did
not bequeath a tradition of its repetition. Bakunin was as popular a
prophet as Marx. Many of us–Bland and Keddell among others–were
members of the S.D.F., and I was constantly speaking for the S.D.F. and
the League. We did not keep ourselves to ourselves; we aided the working
class organisations in every possible way; and they were jolly glad to
have us. In fact the main difference between us was that we worked for
everybody (permeation) and they worked for their own societies only. The
real reason that we segregated for purposes of thought and study was
that the workers could not go our pace or stand our social habits.
Hyndman and Morris and Helen Taylor and the other bourgeois S.D.F.-ers
and Leaguers were too old for us; they were between forty and fifty when
we were between twenty and thirty.”
[17] On this passage Shaw comments, beginning with an expletive, and
proceeding: “I was the only one who had any principles. But surely the
secret of it is that we didn’t really want to be demagogues, having
other fish to fry, as our subsequent careers proved. Our decision not to
stand for Parliament in 1892 was the turning point. I was offered some
seats to contest–possibly Labour ones–but I always replied that they
ought to put up a bona fide working man. We lacked ambition.”
[18] See “The Great Society,” by Graham Wallas (Macmillan, 1914), p.
260.
[19] For a much fuller account of this subject, see Appendix I. A.
[20] See Appendix II.
[21] See Fabian Tract 147, “Capital and Compensation,” by Edw. R. Pease.
[22] See “Fabian Essays,” p. 51, for the first point, and Fabian Tract
No. 119 for the second.
[23] See “The Story of the Dockers’ Strike,” by Vaughan Nash and H. (now
Sir Hubert) Llewellyn Smith; Fisher Unwin, 1890.
Chapter V
“Fabian Essays” and the Lancashire Campaign: 1890-3
“Fabian Essays” published–Astonishing success–A new presentation of
Socialism–Reviewed after twenty-five years–Henry Hutchinson–The
Lancashire Campaign–Mrs. Besant withdraws–”Fabian News.”
Volumes of essays by various writers seldom have any durable place in
the history of thought because as a rule they do not present a connected
body of ideas, but merely the opinions of a number of people who start
from incompatible premises and arrive at inconsistent conclusions. A
book, to be effective, must maintain a thesis, or at any rate must be a
closely integrated series of propositions, and, as a rule, thinkers
strong enough to move the world are too independent to pull together in
a team.
“Fabian Essays,” the work of seven writers, all of them far above the
average in ability, some of them possessing individuality now recognised
as exceptional, is a book and not a collection of essays. This resulted
from two causes. The writers had for years known each other intimately
and shared each other’s thoughts; they had hammered out together the
policy which they announced; and they had moulded each other’s opinions
before they began to write. Secondly the book was planned in advance.
Its scheme was arranged as a whole, and then the parts were allotted
to each author, with an agreement as to the ground to be covered and the
method to be adopted, in view of the harmonious whole which the authors
had designed. It is not often that circumstances permit of a result so
happy. “Fabian Essays” does not cover the whole field of Fabian
doctrine, and in later years schemes were often set on foot for a second
volume dealing with the application of the principles propounded in the
first. But these schemes never even began to be successful. With the
passage of time the seven essayists had drifted apart. Each was working
at the lines of thought most congenial to himself; they were no longer
young and unknown men; some of the seven were no longer available.
Anyway, no second series of Essays ever approached completion.
[Illustration: _From a photograph By Savony of New York_
MRS. ANNE BESANT, IN 1890]
http://infomotions.com/etexts/gutenberg/dirs/1/3/7/1/13715/13715.htm
The case for this project was based, strange to say, not on any history
but on the Marxian analysis of the origin of the value of commodities,
and no man who did not understand this analysis, or pretend to
understand it, was fit to be called a “comrade.” The economic reasoning
which “proved” this “law” was expressed in obscure and technical
language peculiar to the propagandists of the movement, and every page
of Socialist writings was studded with the then strange words
“proletariat” and “bourgeoisie.”
Lastly, the whole world, outside the socialist movement, was regarded as
in a conspiracy of repression. Liberals (all capitalists), Tories (all
landlords), the Churches (all hypocrites), the rich (all idlers), and
the organised workers (all sycophants) were treated as if they fully
understood and admitted the claims of the Socialists, and were
determined for their own selfish ends to reject them at all costs.
Although the Fabian propaganda had no doubt had some effect, especially
amongst the working-class Radicals of London, and although some of the
Socialist writers and speakers, such as William Morris, did not at all
times present to the public the picture of Socialism just outlined, it
will not be denied by anybody whose recollections reach back to this
period that Socialism up to 1890 was generally regarded as
insurrectionary, dogmatic, Utopian, and almost incomprehensible.
“Fabian Essays” presented the case for Socialism in plain language which
everybody could understand. It based Socialism, not on the speculations
of a German philosopher, but on the obvious evolution of society as we
see it around us. It accepted economic science as taught by the
accredited British professors; it built up the edifice of Socialism on
the foundations of our existing political and social institutions: it
proved that Socialism was but the next step in the development of
society, rendered inevitable by the changes which followed from the
industrial revolution of the eighteenth century.
It is interesting after twenty-five years to re-read these essays and to
observe how far the ideas that inspired them are still valid, and how
far the prophecies made have been fulfilled.
Bernard Shaw contributed the first Essay on “The Economic Basis of
Socialism,” and also a second, a paper read to the British Association
in September, 1888, on the “Transition to Social Democracy.” His
characteristic style retains its charm, although the abstract and purely
deductive economic analysis on which he relied no longer commends itself
to the modern school of thought. Sidney Webb’s “Historic Basis” is as
readable as ever, except where he quotes at length political programmes
long forgotten, and recounts the achievements of municipal socialism
with which we are all now familiar.